
Gregory Coleman says senior state actors sanctioned Liberia’s cocaine pipeline. He also says journalists have been paid by the cartel to cover it up. He offered proof of neither. A police chief does not get to make the more serious claim and the more convenient one in the same breath and expect both to be taken on faith.
THERE IS A VERSION OF THURSDAY’S press briefing that would have marked a genuine turning point in Liberia’s drug crisis. It is the one where the Inspector General of the Liberian National Police stood before the country and said, in essence: this goes to the very top of government, and here is who, and here is what we intend to do about it. That is not the briefing Liberia got. What it got instead was an accusation with no name attached, followed immediately by a second accusation, aimed at the press, with no name attached either.
GREGORY COLEMAN TOLD THE COUNTRY Thursday that the trafficking network behind Liberia’s record cocaine seizures “was definitely sanctioned by state actors at the very, very senior level of this government.” That is an extraordinary claim, delivered with the full institutional authority of Liberia’s top police official. It deserves to be taken seriously, and if true, it deserves to be pursued to whatever office it leads. But an accusation without a name attached to it is not an indictment. It is not even the beginning of one. It is a claim that, as things stand, cannot be verified, cannot be challenged, and cannot be acted upon by anyone — including, apparently, Coleman’s own police force.
WHAT COLEMAN DID NEXT DESERVES scrutiny of its own. In the same appearance, he accused unnamed journalists and media outlets of taking cartel money to “change the narrative” and “sow a serious seed of discord.” He called it verified and established. He named no outlet. He named no journalist. He presented no evidence to the public he was addressing. And he did this while asking that same public to simply trust his unproven claim about senior state actors, on his word alone.
THAT IS NOT A COINCIDENCE WORTH IGNORING. A press that has spent two months documenting a police intelligence chief’s bribery, an NSA operative’s alleged $300,000 payoff, a beachfront property used to house armed traffickers, and now a formal charge sheet naming twelve defendants is a press that has been doing exactly the job the public needs it to do in a moment like this. Asking hard questions about a security apparatus that investigators themselves admit was compromised for six years is not disinformation. It is the definition of accountability journalism, and it is precisely the function a free press is supposed to perform when institutions cannot be trusted to police themselves.
IF COLEMAN HAS EVIDENCE that specific journalists or specific outlets took money from a drug cartel, he has an obligation — not an option, an obligation — to bring it to the appropriate authorities and let it be tested, exactly as he is asking Liberians to let the drug investigation itself be tested. Anything less is not an accusation. It is an attempt to discredit scrutiny by attaching a criminal insinuation to it, without ever having to prove the insinuation true. That is a dangerous tool for any official to reach for, and it is a particularly dangerous one for the country’s top police officer to reach for in a moment when public trust in the security services is already as thin as it has ever been.
NONE OF THIS MEANS THE PRESS is above criticism. If any Liberian journalist or outlet has in fact taken money to shape coverage of this case, that is a betrayal of the profession and it should be exposed, named, and answered for in full. This newspaper would say so plainly if it were true of any of its peers, just as it says plainly now that an unnamed, unevidenced accusation is not the same thing as proof. The Liberian people are capable of telling the difference between a journalist asking uncomfortable questions and a journalist taking a bribe. What they cannot do is tell the difference when an official refuses to name anyone at all.
COLEMAN CLOSED HIS REMARKS by saying his conscience is clear and that he will never betray the trust of the Liberian people. That may well be true. But trust is not preserved by asking the public to accept two of the most serious allegations of this entire scandal — that the government’s own senior ranks sanctioned it, and that the press covering it has been bought — without a single name, document, or piece of evidence attached to either one. If the Inspector General has what he says he has, the moment calls for him to produce it. If he does not, he should not have said it. Liberia does not need more adjectives about who might be responsible. It needs names, it needs evidence, and it needs both delivered to institutions equipped to act on them — not dropped at a podium and left for the public to sort out on faith.
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