Summary:

·  Liberia’s Witness Protection Agency is stepping up operations as the country pushes to establish war and economic crimes and anti-corruption courts.

·  The Agency faces major challenges, including limited funding, a shortage of trained protection officers, no safe house of its own and the need to build public trust.

·  The Agency plans to expand protection services nationwide, including safe facilities for witnesses and victims who may testify before a future war crimes court.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives

As efforts build to establish war and economic crimes and anti-corruption courts in Liberia, the government agency responsible for protecting witnesses, victims and whistleblowers is confronting a fundamental challenge: persuading people that it can keep them safe.

The Witness Protection Agency, established by law in 2022 but operationalized only within the past nine months, has begun holding consultations, developing protection policies and working to build public confidence in a country where witnesses, whistleblowers and human rights investigators have faced threats and retaliation, and some have fled for their safety.

“If Liberian citizens continue to believe in panic and fear and cannot see that the government can be trusted to protect them, then this whole effort will be in vain,” said Teklo Maxwell Grigsby II, the Agency’s director, in an interview. “The more we invest in people, the more people can trust us, the more accurately we can push to get what the country deserves.”

The Agency’s ability to deliver on those promises could be critical to Liberia’s broader justice push. The proposed courts will depend on witnesses willing to provide evidence, including in cases involving powerful people and crimes committed decades ago. But getting people to testify may depend on whether they believe the government can protect them from retaliation — a difficult task for an Agency still struggling with limited funding, a shortage of trained protection officers, no safe house of its own and public mistrust shaped by past experiences.

Some Liberian institutions, including the Liberia National Police, Liberia Immigration Service, National Security Agency, Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, Ministry of Justice and Office of the Ombudsman, have mechanisms or procedures that can provide protection, confidentiality or other safeguards for witnesses, victims and whistleblowers. But the Witness Protection Agency is the first institution established specifically to administer and coordinate a national program for their protection.

By operationalizing the Agency, Liberia joins a relatively small group of African countries, including Kenya and Ghana, that have enacted laws establishing dedicated agencies to protect witnesses and others who may face threats or retaliation for cooperating with investigations and prosecutions. Other countries, including South Africa and Uganda, operate witness-protection programs within existing justice or prosecution institutions.

Liberia’s Witness Protection Agency is headed by Grigsby, a lawyer, with Varney Ali Sherif serving as deputy director and Frank S. Suku, also a lawyer, as coordinator and head of its secretariat. Its mandate covers protection during investigations and pre-hearing proceedings, trials and the post-trial period.

Its services include identity and physical protection, psychosocial counseling and welfare support, legal assistance, safe housing, temporary or permanent relocation and reintegration. Confidentiality is one of its stated core values.

At a recent program to validate the Agency’s 5-year plan in Monrovia, Grigsby acknowledged that convincing Liberians to entrust sensitive information — and potentially their lives — to a government institution will not be easy. Past experiences with institutions responsible for handling sensitive cases, he said, have contributed to fears about whether people can safely disclose wrongdoing. Some have instead sought safety outside Liberia.

Few people understand those concerns better than Hassan Bility, director of the Global Justice and Research Project, Liberia’s leading war-crimes investigation group.

His organization and its Swiss partner, Civitas Maxima, have worked with authorities in foreign jurisdictions to help build cases against more than a dozen people accused of crimes connected to Liberia’s civil wars in the United States and Europe. Bility said he, members of his staff and witnesses involved in those cases have faced harassment and intimidation.

“One reason why witnesses don’t trust Liberians, don’t trust us Liberians generally, is that they think that we, in the Liberian English, ‘talk too much,’” said Bility, also at that event. “So there has got to be a system.”

He also stressed the need for experienced specialists to help develop Liberia’s protection system, something Grigsby acknowledged.

“You need people with the technical expertise who have worked in this area for many years to help us in setting the pace for legal and institutional framework,” Grigsby said in an interview. “We need the international dimension, global best practice for witness protection in Liberia.”

With funding from the European Union, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights is providing financial and other support to the Agency. The Office has also brought in an international expert to help the Agency strengthen its strategic five-year plan and align it with international standards.

The Boakai administration has repeatedly pledged to strengthen protections for victims, witnesses and whistleblowers. In June, as President Boakai launched Liberia’s National Security Strategy 2026–2036, promising to strengthen public confidence in the country’s security institutions.

His administration has also moved to strengthen incentives for people who disclose wrongdoing. According to the Witness Protection Agency, Boakai called on relevant government institutions at a March Cabinet meeting to review the Whistleblower Act of 2021 and propose amendments. The president directed then-Justice Minister Oswald Tweh to pursue stronger incentives for witnesses, victims and whistleblowers who provide information in high-profile corruption cases, mineral and natural-resource smuggling and other major crimes.

Among the proposed changes, the Agency is pushing to increase rewards for whistleblowers from 5 percent to 10 percent and introduce bounties intended to encourage reporting of corruption, organized crime and smuggling.

The Agency has consulted government ministries and agencies involved in anti-corruption efforts, lawmakers, the media and civil society about the proposed amendment. Grigsby said the proposal received overwhelming support.

But persuading witnesses and whistleblowers to come forward is only part of the problem. Keeping them safe can be expensive. Under its plan, the Agency is proposing more than US$6 million for protection operations as part of projected spending of US$20.54 million. Its financing proposal includes a one-cent levy on every gallon of petroleum imported into Liberia to help finance a proposed Victim, Witness and Whistleblower Trust Fund, alongside international donor support.

Current government allocations are far below those ambitions.

The 2026 national budget national budget allocated US$700,000 to the Witness Protection Unit, with projections of US$390,000 for fiscal year 2027 and US$401,000 for 2028.

Money is not its only constraint. The Agency currently employs 65 people, but Grigsby acknowledged that it does not yet have enough professionally trained protection officers. Many newly recruited employees are undergoing specialized training, requiring the Agency to rely on personnel from the Liberia National Police, National Security Agency and other security institutions.

Grigsby said 20 officers were being sent for basic police training to strengthen their capacity to provide physical protection. The Agency has also begun international training for personnel working in areas including internal control, finance and human resources. It plans to recruit about 45 additional protection officers and psychosocial counselors in 2027 as it expands its capacity.

The Agency is also trying to establish strict rules governing the information entrusted to its employees. Grigsby said staff members had signed confidentiality undertakings barring them from disclosing information about potential witnesses and victims, including their identities. Breaches, he said, could carry penalties of up to 10 years in prison.

Those safeguards will operate against a history in which some people who disclosed wrongdoing have reported retaliation. In 2023, New Narratives Narratives documented 12 cases of government whistleblowers who allegedly faced retaliation over the previous 14 years. Seven died in circumstances their families linked to efforts to silence them, four lost their jobs, and three fled the country or went into hiding.

The Agency, meanwhile, has no safe house of its own, limited vehicles and protection personnel, and operations largely concentrated in Montserrado. Its ambitious strategy proposes five safe houses — two in Montserrado and three elsewhere — where threatened witnesses and their families could be temporarily relocated.

The need could grow if Liberia establishes its proposed War and Economic Crimes Court. Grigsby said the Agency plans to coordinate with the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court over its proposed witness-protection unit. He said the Agency also wants existing and future safe homes used for witness protection brought under common national standards and coordination.

Grigsby said the Agency intends to take a more central role in overseeing facilities used to shelter witnesses and victims. “All safe homes across the Republic of Liberia will have a minimum standard, guided by our policy and coordinated by our office,” he said.

Grigsby said the Agency’s priority will be building enough public confidence for witnesses, victims and whistleblowers to trust the government with their safety. Without that trust, he said, the country’s efforts to finally address war time justice and combat corruption will fail.

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Union. The funders had no say in the story’s content.

Summary:

• A FrontPage Africa/New Narratives survey of 100 Nimba residents found that 90% support establishing a War and Economic Crimes Court, with respondents saying those responsible for atrocities during Liberia’s wars should face due process and that victims deserve justice and the truth about what happened to their families.
• For many Nimbaians, support for the court is rooted in personal experiences of war. Residents including Yah Dumbar and Jackson Beh described killings, displacement and loss of family members, saying accountability is necessary to address Liberia’s painful history and prevent a repetition of the violence.
• The survey also raises questions about lawmakers’ claims that they need to consult constituents. Only three of the 100 Nimba respondents said they had heard of consultations by their representatives or senators. Some respondents said they would not support lawmakers who oppose the court, while Representative Nyah Garmie Flomo said he supports the court and plans to engage his constituents.

By Jerome Saye with New Narratives

SANNIQUELLIE, Nimba County—They are the second biggest voting bloc in the country. They’re also the former constituents of long-time senator, Prince Johnson who was the loudest opponent to a war and economic crimes court. He even threatened to take up arms if he were indicted. So the views of citizens of Nimba, almost two years after Johnson died, have been closely watched as the Liberian Legislature decides whether and in what form to hold a court.

A new survey by FrontPage Africa/New Narratives suggests the people of Nimba County overwhelmingly want to see a court established and will punish lawmakers at the ballot box if they do not get it. (The survey can be viewed here.)

“Let them people that do bad, bad thing in this war here where some of them are still alive, let them come and face the court,” said Yah Dumber, a 45-year-old small business owner in Gbedin Town. She said Nelson Gweh of ULIMO-K, Alhaji Kromah’s wing of the rebel faction led the invasion of the Central Agricultural Research Institute in 1994 when it was serving as the headquarters for the rival National Patriotic Front of Liberia. They killed her family members who were sheltering there. She has been aching for justice for more than 32 years.

The survey interviewed 100 people in Nimba’s seven administrative districts – Sanniquellie Mah, Saclepea Mah, Gbehlay Geh, Zoe Geh, Bain Gar, Yarpea Mah and Tapitta. Ninety percent or nine in every ten interviewees said they wanted the establishment of the court. The survey was not done under scientific conditions, but the overwhelming margin among the 100 people interviewed provides a strong indication of the views of the county.

Jackson Beh, 40, is a farmer and a resident of Peelar Old Town in Yarpea Mah District. He said his brother Emmanuel Yaye was killed by a group of soldiers of the Krahn ethnic group serving with the government’s Arm Forces of Liberia in 1990.

Beh said his brother was on his way to celebrate a major achievement when he was killed.

“Our brother, he graduated from high school and he was trying to go to America,” he said. “He came home and showed us his graduation card. That was the last time we saw him. We never imagined that the graduation card he brought home would become one of the last memories we had of him.”

The survey comes as President Joseph Nyuma Boakai’s administration pushes legislation for the establishment of the court which would prosecute those bearing the greatest responsibility for war crimes, crimes against humanity, economic crimes and serious human rights violations committed during Liberia’s conflicts from January 1979 to August 2003.

Six bills have been submitted to Legislature which is in the process of considering them and deciding what version of the court, if any, they will pass. Stakeholders say there is still considerable opposition from some lawmakers.

Stakeholders and the international community are urging the Legislature to pass a bill by December when Liberia takes its rotating seat in the presidency of the United Nations Security Council and the world’s eyes will be on it. They said it will give Liberia a chance to present a new face to the world to replace images of child soldiers that dominated global news coverage during the war.

The survey was part of a national survey of 1,150 people in 11 of Liberia’s 15 counties. Across the country, the number mirrored that in Nimba. Nine in every 10 people interviewed said they wanted to see a court.

For many Nimbaians, the issue is not simply about punishing individuals. It is also about knowing what happened to victims, establishing responsibility and ensuring that the violence of Liberia’s past is not repeated.

Madam Yah Dumbar spoke about the ongoing trauma of Liberia’s wars. She described how she and other people were forced to flee; walking barefoot from Gbarnga to Nimba, while seeing atrocities committed by ULIMO-K forces.

“The people came there, they destroyed so many things from us,” said Madam Dumbar. “I left from in Gbarnga with night gown, with one under cloth to come in Nimba, without wearing slipper. Some of our children them left in water [drowned]. They started catching us on the road and killing your husband and children in front of you.”

Her account reflects a broader sentiment expressed by participants: they said their support for a court is not driven by revenge, but by a desire for accountability and historical truth.

Advocates in Nimba welcomed the survey findings.

“Once ninety persons agreed for the War and Economic Crimes Court to come, it means that the advocacy we being doing it means that we are making progress,” said Carlton Zayzay, 39. And he had a warning for opponents.

“Those remaining ones that say War and Economic Crimes Court should not come in Liberia; it means that those people were not affected during the war time. Or those people don’t know about war. It means those people parents were not here.”  

Joseph G. Suah, an attorney-at-law at the Eighth Judicial Circuit Court in Sanniquellie said the court would set important precedents for accountability and help strengthen the country’s justice system. “

“Nobody will commit crime and just go free. If you commit crime, you need to be given a due process of law,” Suah said. “And those that all involved should be arrested and go to court let them explain themselves as they have been accused.”

The survey also carried a warning for Nimba’s lawmakers including Nyah Garmie Flomo, Ernest Manseah, Samuel N. Brown Sr., Nehker E. Gaye, Kortor Kwagrue, Dorwohn Twain Gleekia, Musa Hassan Bility, Saye S. Mianah, Taa Z. Wongbe and senators Nya D. Twayen Jr. who will be seeking reelection in 2029. The overwhelming number of survey participants said they would not vote for them again if they did not support a court. Just seven said they would.

“I will not vote for any representative who will say no to the establishment of the War and Economic Crimes court,” said Zayzay. “They are on their way already before 2029 if they don’t pass the bill.”  

The survey also exposed potentially misleading statements on the part of lawmakers. They went on break in July without passing the war crimes court bill claiming they needed to consult their constituents before the house reopened in October. But of the 100 people interviewed, just three said they had heard of any consultation by their senators or representatives about the proposed legislation.

Nyah Garmie Flomo, Sr., Nimba County District Two representative, said he supports the establishment of the court but admitted that he has not consulted constituents. Flomo said that he and colleagues will consult constituents once they have a chance to understand it.

“I have a plan: before our break can be over, certainly I will be having engagement with my people and one of the things we will be discussing is the War and Economic Crimes Court,” said Flomo. “If, for example, a document is introduced, you need to fully understand the document because you have to explain to your people. So, a document that was introduced to us about two months ago, you don’t expect all of the lawmakers on their feet passing with the document.”

Nimba citizens are watching what happens next. But experts say the message from the survey is clear: pass the law, consult the people and move Liberia’s long-delayed search for justice forward or pay a price in the next election.

This story is a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the “Investigating Liberia” project. Funding was provided by the Swedish Embassy in Liberia. The funder had no say in the story’s content.

Summary:

• Liberia’s Witness Protection Agency has proposed a US$20.54 million five-year strategy that would establish safe houses, rapid-response capacity and stronger safeguards for victims, witnesses and whistleblowers.
• The plan comes as Liberia moves towards establishing with war-crimes and anti-corruption courts that will depend heavily on witness testimony and whistleblowers. 
• The Agency says it has major obstacles: safe houses and other critical infrastructure, and current government funding falls far short of the plan’s projected cost.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives 

Liberia’s Witness Protection Agency is proposing a five-year, US$20.54 million plan to build a nationwide system for protecting victims, witnesses and whistleblowers as the country moves toward establishing war crimes and anti-corruption courts that will significantly increase the number of witnesses and whistleblowers needing protection.

The plan, reviewed at a two-day gathering of government officials, human rights advocates and international partners in Monrovia last week, calls for trained protection officers, secure case-management systems and mechanisms to relocate people facing threats. It also seeks to strengthen Liberia’s witness and whistleblower laws and secure more reliable financing.

“We believe we have a lot of work to do,” said Maxwell Grigsby, the agency’s director. The consultation was necessary, he said, because protecting witnesses would require government institutions and other organizations to work together.

“That is why we could not sit in our offices to develop a five-year strategic plan for a subject matter that will affect multiple entities,” Grigsby said. “What play will we be doing? How will that play address the realities? How will other actors know the role they have to play, the referral path, and how to address issues that affect real human beings?”

The plan is the first comprehensive strategy developed by the Agency, which experts say is central to building the trust and confidence needed for victims, witnesses and whistleblowers to come forward and cooperate with investigations and prosecutions. The ambitious plan also comes as Liberia’s renewed push for accountability for wartime atrocities and corruption is expected to put greater pressure on a protection system being built by an Agency that has been operational for only about nine months.

The cases against more than a dozen perpetrators accused of crimes in Liberia’s civil conflicts brought by prosecutors in Europe and the United States, have shown that there is almost no forensic or documentary evidence to support cases of crimes committed in the wars, some of which date back more than 30 years. That means cases in Liberia’s court will rely heavily, as the international trials have done, on witness testimony.

For would-be witnesses and whistle-blowers, the danger of coming forward are not theoretical.

In 2023, New Narratives documented 12 cases of government whistleblowers over the previous 14 years who had allegedly faced retaliation. Seven died in circumstances their families alleged were connected to efforts to silence them- though there was no official finding of criminal activity in any of the cases – four lost their jobs, and three others fled the country or went into hiding.

It is against that history that the Agency is trying to build a protection system that remains in its infancy. It has no safe house of its own, limited vehicles and protection personnel, and most of its operations are concentrated in Montserrado. Its five-year strategy proposes two safe houses in Montserrado and three elsewhere in the country, giving authorities secure places to move witnesses and their families when they are in danger.

The Agency estimates that building the system from 2026 through 2030 will cost US$20.54 million. US$6 million is earmarked for protection operations and US$5 million for strengthening its institutional capacity. Financing is expected to come from the national budget, a proposed Victim, Witness and Whistleblower Trust Fund and international donors. The fund would be financed by a one-cent levy on every gallon of petroleum imported into the country.

The Agency also wants a 24-hour emergency desk and agreements with the police and the government’s Executive Protection Service for rapidly moving witnesses out of danger. It plans to train security and justice officials in safely transporting protected witnesses and eventually station protection officers in all 15 counties.

Agency director Grigsby said Liberians with sensitive information have often not felt safe remaining in the country after disclosing wrongdoing.

“We have to change this,” Grigsby said. “We are hoping that just by doing this plan, people will start to think differently. They will believe that they can give testimony in Liberia, stay in Liberia, without having to be so afraid about their safety and our survival.”

But with limited government resources and an exodus of international aid, funds available to the Agency will likely be limited.

The 2026 national budget allocated US$700,000 to the Witness Protection Unit, with government budget projections of US$390,000 for fiscal year 2027 and US$401,000 for 2028 — far below the spending envisioned in the five-year strategy.

The Agency wants the government to commit money specifically to witness protection over several years, beyond its regular operating budget. International donors would be asked to help pay for safe houses, technology, specialized training and psychological services, while the government would cover salaries and other routine expenses.

Oretha Snyder Davis, commissioner for prosecution at the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission, said financing had to be treated as part of the protection system itself.

“Financing must be considered a strategic part,” of protecting witnesses, Davis said, as a panelist during the program. “We need diversified financing that allows government and development partners to accompany each other.”

Hassan Bility, director of the Global Justice and Research Project, Liberia’s leading war crimes investigation group, renewed his call for lawmakers to reduce their salaries and benefits, which often exceed the salaries of lawmakers in European countries with vastly larger national revenue. He demanded they redirect some of the savings toward the proposed courts and witness protection.

The Legislature passed the Witness Protection Act and Whistleblower Act in 2021, but Grigsby said there are gaps, including inadequate penalties for people who violate protections and weaknesses in oversight. The Agency wants both laws amended and clearer rules established for how people enter the protection program and how their information is handled.

The Agency says those changes would require amendments to go through the Legislature, followed by regulations and detailed procedures governing how the agency operates. The Agency has not provided a timetable for when the proposed amendments would be submitted to lawmakers.

International experts took the opportunity to support the Agency’s calls for support, reminding government, lawmakers and stakeholders in the court that victims are at the reason for this court to be held.  

“Let us make sure that victims, witnesses, remain at the heart of what we are doing,” said Christian Mukosa, country representative for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Liberia.

Credible witness protection “is essential for accountability, for access to justice, and for ensuring that victims, witnesses, and human rights defenders can participate safely and meaningfully in national processes,” said Solène Coma, a policy officer and economist in the European Union’s Partnership Section.

She said the European Union was supporting Liberia’s victim-centered transitional justice process through its partnership with the UN Human Rights Office in Liberia and national institutions, including the War and Economic Crimes Court Office.

“Transitional justice, like witness protection, is a collective effort,” Coma said.

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Union. The funders had no say in the story’s content.

• Women have not played a major visible role in recent efforts for postwar justice despite being key targets of much of the violence of the war years. A new project aims to change that by strengthening women’s groups and bringing more women, including young women, into peacebuilding and justice discussions.
• Women leaders say they have been discouraged from coming forward to play a more central role in the process by harassment and attacks.
• Leaders of the US$3 million project headed by say women should not be seen only as victims of the civil wars. They should also lead investigations, prosecutions, reparations and other parts of the justice, reconciliation and commemoration process.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives

More than two decades after Liberian women helped played a decisive role in bringing the country’s civil wars to an end, they have been far less visible in the renewed push to reckon with the wars’ atrocities committed during them.

No woman was shortlisted to lead the Office of the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court of Liberia, and many of the major groups shaping the process are headed by men. Women are involved — including in senior positions and through women-led organizations — but they have been less prominent in some of the key leadership and decision-making spaces.

Women leaders have told FrontPage Africa/New Narratives that they have been reluctant to speak up on the postwar justice process because of attacks and belittling that they have been subjected to in the past.

A new US$3 million initiative is seeking to boost women’s involvement. The project, called the “Gender Promotion Initiative 2.0,” rolled out last week by the Liberian government, the United Nations, Kvinna till Kvinna and other partners, aims to strengthen women’s organizations and bring more women, including young women, into peacebuilding and justice discussions. The three-year project will be implemented in Montserrado, Lofa, Nimba, Grand Gedeh and Grand Cape Mount. The United Nations says more than 40 percent of its resources will go directly to women’s rights organizations.

Mabel M.K. Kear, programme manager at Kvinna till Kvinna, called the initiative “a critical promise that the sacrifices of women and communities will lead to transformation,” adding that reconciliation should be genuine and “peace will be sustained through justice.”

More than 250,000 people were killed during Liberia’s 14 years of civil conflict, according to the United Nations. A 2016 United Nations human rights report said 1.5 million people were displaced inside Liberia or sought refuge in other countries. The report cited a 2005 estimate that 75 percent of Liberian women and girls were subjected to wartime rape.

Liberia’s 2009 Truth and Reconciliation Commission concluded that “women were singled out for abuse simply on account of their gender.” It also found that forced displacement “took a particularly heavy toll on women,” many of whom became heads of their families after losing their spouses.

But women were also central to in ending the fighting. Christian and Muslim women joined forces through the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace, staging protests, prayer meetings and other nonviolent actions and taking their demands for peace to negotiations in Accra, Ghana. It was there that they staged a daring threat to undress. This was a cultural signal that the men could not ignore. They swiftly brought the negotiations to a successful conclusion. Leymah Gbowee, as one of the group’s leaders, was later awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their actions.

Asatu Bah Kenneth, was one of those leaders fighting for the end of the war in 2003. Today she is the most senior woman working in the court process as the director of the Office of War and Economic Crimes Anti-Corruption Division. Kenneth also founded and led the Liberia Muslim Women for Peace, which joined the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace, whose sustained nonviolent campaign helped pressure Liberia’s warring parties toward peace in 2003.

Women-led groups, including the Female Lawyers Association of Liberia and the Women’s NGO Secretariat of Liberia, are also involved in the current justice process.

That history returned to the international stage this week. The Liberian government held a high-level event on women, peace and security at United Nations headquarters in New York on the margins of the 81st United Nations General Assembly, celebrating women’s historic role in the country’s peace process while calling for greater leadership by women and girls. The event, organized by the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Protection, was held under the theme “From Pioneers to Global Leaders: Liberia’s Journey in Women, Peace and Security.”

President Joseph Boakai used the event to link that legacy to women’s participation in justice today. Launching Liberia’s third National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security, he identified participation and access to justice among its priorities and reaffirmed his commitment to establishing the War and Economic Crimes Court. Boakai used the event to highlight women’s role in national decision-making.

“In Liberia, men make the big decisions, the women make the small decisions, but the women decide which decisions are big and which decisions are small,” Boakai said.

Nobel Peace laureate Leymah Gbowee, who helped lead the Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace, used the same event to recall how women organized and pushed for peace despite initially being excluded from important spaces.

“Contrary to popular belief that we were a bunch of women who had no strategic direction, we had a direction,” Gbowee said.

The renewed focus on women’s participation comes at a pivotal stage in the effort to establish the court. Boakai submitted legislation to establish the War and Economic Crimes Court and a National Anti-Corruption Court to the Legislature in May. Weeks earlier, he had renewed the mandate of the Office for the Establishment of a War and Economic Crimes Court of Liberia.

The Legislature is considering competing proposals from the Liberian National Bar Association, a civil society coalition led by the Independent National Commission on Human Rights, as well as Senate President Pro Tempore Nyonblee Karnga-Lawrence and Senator Joseph Jallah.

For supporters of the new gender initiative, the challenge is ensuring that women have a greater role as those decisions are made.

Christine N. Umutoni, the United Nations resident coordinator in Liberia, said the initiative should build on a voice Liberian women have already established rather than treat their participation as something new.

“Liberian women helped end the conflict,” Umutoni said. “So it is not now that we are building the voice.”

The challenge, she said, is ensuring that women’s experiences are reflected throughout the justice process. She warned that “a gender-blind approach would leave serious violations insufficiently addressed and risk weakening public confidence in justice institutions.”

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Union. The funders had no say in the story’s content.

Summary:

• Liberia’s leading war crimes investigation group has again relocated a senior nvestigator after death threats allegedly linked to sympathizers of Moses Wright, a former Liberian army commander accused of masterminding the 1990 St. Peter’s Lutheran Church Massacre, ahead of his November trial in the United States.
• The threats renew concerns over the safety of witnesses and investigators as Liberia moves toward establishing a War and Economic Crimes Court.
• Liberia’s police chief promises to follow up after war crimes group accuses police of ignoring complaints about threats and an earlier armed break-in.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives 

The head of Liberia’s leading war crimes investigation group said the organization has again relocated a senior investigator for his safety after he received repeated death threats connected to his work on the case of Moses Wright, the former Liberian army commander who is set to go to trial for war related crimes in the United States in November.

Hassan Bility, head of the Global Justice and Research project said the investigator, whom he declined to identify because of security concerns, received threatening text messages from people he described as “sympathizers” of Wright. The investigator had initially been relocated before the threats escalated and the organization moved him to another location, Bility said. He had also received psychosocial counselling because of the trauma.

The revelation came at the start of a two-day event to review the five-year strategic plan of the Witness Protection Agency, the government institution responsible for protecting witnesses, victims and whistleblowers from threats, intimidation, retaliation and political coercion.

“This is very, very troubling,” Bility said. “So, an investigator is threatened. What about the witnesses and and victims?”

Experts said the threats highlight a growing challenge for Liberia’s efforts to hold people accountable for crimes committed during its civil wars: protecting the witnesses and investigators. The danger is taking on new urgency as Liberia moves toward establishing a War and Economic Crimes Court, which would depend heavily on witnesses willing to testify about atrocities committed decades ago, and the investigators pursuing evidence, while allies of accused perpetrators inevitably threaten and intimidate them and their families.  

Investigations and documentation by the Global Justice and Research Project and its Swiss partner, Civitas Maxima, working with authorities in foreign jurisdictions, have helped build cases in the United States and Europe against more than a dozen people accused of crimes connected to Liberia’s civil wars. But the work has also exposed investigators and witnesses to threats and intimidation. Global Justice has previously relocated witnesses because of concerns for their safety.

The relocation comes about seven months after three armed men broke into the organization’s compound in February. Bility said the investigator began receiving threats around the same time as the break-in and that the organization reported both matters to the Liberia National Police.

As the threats continued, Bility said, the organization moved the investigator from his home and relocated him elsewhere in Liberia. But he said the messages continued after the relocation and appeared to indicate that those sending them knew he had moved.

Bility said the organization received no response from the police to its complaints and eventually concluded that relocating the investigator again was the only viable option.

“We count on the Liberian government to do something to protect witnesses and those who investigate these kinds of international crimes,” Bility said.

Gregory Coleman, Liberia’s police inspector general, said in a WhatsApp message to FrontPage Africa/New Narratives that he would follow up on the complaints.

Bility said the threats had left him worried about the safety of his staff but would not stop the organization’s investigations.

“I feel a little bit scared for my staff,” he said.

Wright, 73, is a former commanding general of the Armed Forces of Liberia. He has been accused of commanding the army during the period in which the St. Peter’s Lutheran Church Massacre was carried out, one of the most notorious atrocities of Liberia’s civil wars. An estimated 600 civilians, including men, women and children who had sought refuge at the church in Monrovia, were killed in the space of hours with guns and machetes.

No one has been criminally prosecuted for the massacre. But in 2022, a U.S. federal court ordered Moses Thomas to pay US$84 million to four survivors after finding the former commander of the Armed Forces of Liberia’s Special Anti-Terrorist Unit civilly liable for the killings. Thomas rejected the ruling and fled the United States for Liberia to avoid having future income seized to pay victims.

Wright is not being prosecuted for the Lutheran Church massacre or for war crimes directly, because international crimes committed out of the U.S. were not crimes in U.S. law in 1990. His federal prosecution, in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, instead alleges that he committed criminal immigration fraud when he lied about his wartime conduct while seeking U.S. immigration benefits and citizenship. It is the same legal approach used to secure convictions by the same federal court against Mohamed Jabateh of the United Liberation Movement for Democracy in Liberia or Ulimo faction in 2017 and Tomas Woewiyu, Charles Taylor’s number two, in 2018.

Wright was granted asylum in the United States in 2000 and became a lawful permanent resident in 2008. He applied for U.S. citizenship in 2013.

A federal grand jury indicted Wright in 2021, though the indictment remained sealed until U.S. prosecutors announced the charges in June 2022. He was charged with fraudulently attempting to obtain U.S. citizenship, fraud in immigration documents, false statements in relation to naturalization and perjury.

Prosecutors allege that Wright either personally committed or ordered AFL troops under his command to commit atrocities, including the persecution and murder of civilian noncombatants, assault, false arrest and false imprisonment. Wright denies the charges.

If convicted, Wright faces a maximum possible sentence of 165 years in prison and a US$7 million fine, according to U.S. prosecutors.

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Union. The funders had no say in the story’s content.

Summary

• Transitional justice expert Aaron Weah warns that failure to approve legislation establishing Liberia’s long-delayed War and Economic Crimes Court could create new security risks, particularly among a young generation raised on memories of the civil wars.
• Liberia is preparing to assume the rotating presidency of the U.N. Security Council in December, putting a renewed international spotlight on the country’s unfinished transitional justice process.
• Weah says Liberia must address how the wars are remembered and taught, warning that the absence of an agreed historical narrative, public memorials and museums has left younger Liberians exposed to disinformation about the conflict.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives 

Aaron Weah, the leading historian and transitional justice expert, has warned of security risks if the country fails to approve legislation establishing a War and Economic Crimes Court before it assumes the rotating presidency of the United Nations Security Council in December.

Despite years of advocacy, the push for a long-delayed court to prosecute those accused of “bearing the greatest responsibility” for atrocities committed during Liberia’s two civil wars, which the United Nations estimates left about 250,000 people dead, remains unfinished as the Legislature has so far failed to overcome opposition to the courts among lawmakers.

A recent poll by FrontPage Africa/New Narratives found 89 percent of survey respondents in 11 counties wanted to see the worst perpetrators tried in a war crimes court for atrocities committed during the war.

“You don’t want to raise expectations of people and let them down. I think it has a lot of security risk because we have a youthful population,” Weah, director of the Ducor Institute for Social and Economic Research, said in a FrontPage Africa/New Narratives interview.

Weah’s warning comes at a pivotal moment for Liberia’s unfinished transitional justice process. The country is preparing to preside over the Security Council for the first time while lawmakers consider competing proposals for the long-promised court. At the same time, a population dominated by young people who did not directly experience the wars is confronting unresolved questions about justice, reparations and how the conflict should be remembered and taught.

Weah said establishing the court is about more than prosecuting alleged perpetrators. He argued that it could help clarify Liberia’s wartime history and said abandoning the process after years of promises could create new resentment and security concerns.

His warning echoes concerns raised by the Liberian government and the United Nations. In an October 2025, statement to the U.N. General Assembly’s Sixth Committee, which deals with international legal issues, the government warned that “the absence of justice perpetuates the cycle of conflict.”

The United Nations has also linked the proposed court to preventing recurrence. Christian Mukosa, its top human rights official in Liberia, said that operationalizing a victim-centered court could “contribute to reconciliation and prevent recurrence.”

According to Liberia’s 2022 Population and Housing Census, three in every four of the country’s 5.25 million people were 35 or younger. Forty four  percent of the population was born after the civil wars ended in 2003. Weah said many young Liberians have instead grown up with memories of the wars passed down by their parents. After taking the court process this far, he warned, abandoning it could have consequences beyond the justice debate.

Liberia previously served on the Security Council in 1961, but the December presidency will be its first time chairing the body. The 81st United Nations General Assembly began September 8, with President Joseph Boakai expected to deliver his third address during the General Debate, which begins September 22.

Jallah Barbu, executive director of the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court, recently urged Boakai to recall lawmakers from their annual constituency break to act on the legislation.

Six proposals involving a War and Economic Crimes Court and a National Anti-Corruption Court are before the Legislature. They include proposals from the Liberian National Bar Association and a civil society coalition led by the Independent National Commission on Human Rights; separate proposals from Senate President Pro Tempore Nyonblee Karnga-Lawrence and Senator Joseph Jallah; and two bills from the government’s court office.

Boakai reenergized the process when he renewed the Office’s mandate in May and later submitted its bills to the Legislature. But lawmakers went on their annual constituency break in July without approving legislation.

Before the recess, the Senate Judiciary Committee began consultations aimed at harmonizing the proposals, while more than 40 House members participated in a two-day technical session in Buchanan in June.

Some proposals have raised concerns among justice advocates over issues including the role of international experts and the appeals process. Senator Jallah has suggested international lawyers could serve as “consultants to Liberians”, rather than take direct roles.

“The final bill should include all benchmarks of fair, independent, meaningful and credible trials: crimes and modes of liability in line with international standards,” Michelle Reyes Milk, senior international justice counsel at Human Rights Watch, wrote in Just Security, a nonpartisan law and policy journal based at New York University School of Law. She also called for “full guarantees of due process for defendants” and “genuine participation and protection for victims and witnesses.”

Weah said Liberia’s Security Council role could showcase the country’s progress since the wars. He pointed to the success of international peacekeeping and the peaceful resolution of the closely fought 2023 presidential election as signs of the country’s resilience.

But he warned that sustaining that progress requires Liberia to confront how its wars are remembered and taught to younger generations.

“We have no public memorials. We have not agreed on a historical text on the war to teach kids in school,” Weah said. “And so much of what the children learn that’s passed for history is mostly the opinions of history teachers, is the opinions of civic teachers in school, and that’s dangerous.”

Weah said museums, memorials and other forms of public education could give younger Liberians a more structured understanding of the country’s past and help address violent memories transmitted from one generation to another.

Liberia has made some steps up efforts to address memorialization. A high-level government delegation has returned from a United Nations Development Program-supported study mission to Rwanda and South Africa in late August and early September, where it examined approaches to reconciliation, memorialization, peacebuilding and preserving national history. The lessons are expected to inform President Boakai’s proposed Liberia Peace, Reconciliation and Memorial Museum, envisioned as a national institution to preserve the country’s history, promote reconciliation and strengthen civic education.

TRC’s Controversial Decision to Sanction President Johnson Sirleaf Remains a Point of Debate

But Liberia’s efforts to establish an authoritative account of the wars have themselves generated controversy. More than 15 years after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission issued its final report, parts of its findings remain contested.

The commission recommended a 30-year public-office ban for a number of people, including then-President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, because it said they had been associated with former warring factions. In 2011, Liberia’s Supreme Court struck down the sanction as unconstitutional, finding that it had been imposed without due process.

In testimony to the U.S. Congress in June 1990, as Taylor’s rebellion was terrorizing people across the country, Sirleaf portrayed Taylor’s uprising as a broad-based struggle, saying people, “many of them children,” had joined what she called a “struggle for freedom,” and describing the rebellion as an opportunity to transform Liberia’s political system. (Taylor’s alleged use of child soldiers was seen as a particularly egregious act that was copied by other warring factions in years to come.)

Weah argued that the commission’s treatment of Sirleaf contributed to her reluctance to champion implementation of its recommendations and questioned whether the report sufficiently established the extent of her involvement in the conflict.

“I think she felt embarrassed. She felt stigmatized,” Weah said. “Before you mention the names of people in report, there has to be a duty of care to make sure that your work is thorough, is rigorous. It can stand up to basic scrutiny.”

John Stewart, a commissioner who chaired the committee that wrote the TRC report, rejected Weah’s criticism. He said Sirleaf was sanctioned because commissioners concluded that her testimony about when she distanced herself from Charles Taylor conflicted with evidence they had obtained.

“We did not do so because we wanted to embarrass Sirleaf,” Stewart said. “We did so because we wanted to be fair to all others. And her being president was no exception to the rule.”

The disagreement underscores the difficulty Liberia still faces in establishing a broadly accepted account of its violent past — the problem Weah says younger generations should not be left to navigate alone.

Against that backdrop, Weah recently co-launched Liberia: Remembering the Future with British journalist Gerry Naughton. The podcast, airing on 10 radio stations across Liberia, examines the country’s history, its transition from war to peace and its election to the Security Council.

Weah said the project aims to provide historical context and clarification for Liberians, particularly younger people, as well as international audiences seeking to understand the country as its global profile rises.

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the European Union. The funders had no say in the story’s content.

MONROVIA — With Liberia’s long-promised transitional justice agenda still awaiting decisive legislative action, advocate Mme. Marpu Dhaliwal is calling on President Joseph Nyuma Boakai  Sr. to take the unusual step of convening an extraordinary session of the National Legislature to force renewed consideration of the pending bills establishing the War and Economic Crimes Court and the Anti-Corruption Court.

By  Patience M. Jones

Dhaliwal, a strong advocate for transitional justice, says Liberia cannot continue to speak about healing, reconciliation, peace, and accountability while legislation intended to address the country’s troubled past remains pending before lawmakers.

She made the call on Saturday, September 5, while delivering the keynote address at the closing ceremony of the second edition of the Grade School Ambassadorial Program, organized by the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia (OWECC-L).

Her appeal comes as pressure mounts on the government and Legislature to translate Liberia’s repeated commitments to transitional justice into concrete legal and institutional action.

‘We Cannot Speak About Sustainable Peace Without Justice’

Dhaliwal argued that the pending bills deserve urgent attention because their passage could provide an important avenue for addressing the longstanding pain and suffering caused by Liberia’s past conflicts.

For her, the issue is not simply about creating new courts. It is about confronting unresolved grievances, strengthening accountability, and giving victims and affected communities a greater sense that justice remains possible.

“We cannot speak about sustainable peace without justice, and we cannot strengthen the rule of law while leaving accountability unfinished,” Dhaliwal said.

She urged lawmakers to recognize the broader national significance of the bills, describing their advancement as part of Liberia’s continuing efforts toward healing, reconciliation, accountability and democratic consolidation.

Dhaliwal also commended President Boakai for his support for the transitional justice process but challenged him to provide stronger leadership at a time when the process requires concrete action.

She called on the President to convene an extraordinary legislative session specifically to ensure that the pending legislation receives the attention she believes it urgently requires.

Liberia’s International Role Under Scrutiny

Dhaliwal further pointed to Liberia’s growing responsibilities on the international stage, including its role on the United Nations Security Council, arguing that international commitments must be accompanied by meaningful progress at home.

She said Liberia has made significant commitments to justice, accountability, the rule of law, and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, but warned that commitments alone are insufficient.

The pending legislation, she maintained, presents an opportunity for Liberia to demonstrate that its international advocacy is matched by action within its own borders.

She therefore appealed to members of the National Legislature to prioritize the bills and recognize the role they could play in strengthening Liberia’s democratic institutions and advancing national reconciliation.

OWECC-L: Time Is Running Out

OWECC-L Executive Director Dr. Cllr. Jallah A. Barbu reinforced the call, urging President Boakai to intervene and ensure passage of the two bills before the beginning of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA).

Dr. Barbu argued that enactment of the legislation would give Liberia a tangible achievement to present to the international community during the global gathering.

He also raised concerns about the narrowing political window ahead, warning that increasing political activities beginning in 2027 could further complicate efforts to move the legislation forward.

The OWECC-L boss nevertheless assured that his institution remains committed to fulfilling its mandate and advancing Liberia’s transitional justice and accountability process.

Young Ambassadors Challenged to Lead

The call for legislative action was delivered at an event centered on preparing Liberia’s young people to become responsible citizens and future leaders.

Dr. Barbu commended Miss Charlelyn Mulbah, the program’s lead organizer, for providing two months of intensive training to the young ambassadors.

He challenged the graduates not to allow the knowledge gained during the program to end with the ceremony.

“We challenge you to take what you have learned beyond this program and use it to make a meaningful difference in your communities and in Liberia.”

“You are young ambassadors, and your actions should reflect the values of accountability, responsibility, leadership, and service to country,” Dr. Barbu added.

The message places young people at the center of Liberia’s broader accountability conversation, particularly as the country grapples with how to address the consequences of its past while building institutions capable of preventing future abuses.

UNICEF Backs Youth Engagement

Also speaking at the ceremony, UNICEF Deputy Representative Amadou Cisse commended OWECC-L for recognizing the potential role of young people in Liberia’s transitional justice process.

Cisse pledged UNICEF’s continued support to the Ambassadorial and Grade School programs, stressing that empowering young people is critical to promoting responsible citizenship and building a peaceful and accountable society.

A Test of Political Will

The renewed calls from Dhaliwal and OWECC-L put the pending court bills squarely before the political leadership.

For advocates of transitional justice, the debate is no longer only about whether Liberia needs institutions to address war crimes, economic crimes, and corruption. It is increasingly about whether there is sufficient political will to establish them.

Dhaliwal’s call for an extraordinary legislative session now places the responsibility directly on President Boakai and lawmakers.

Her message is uncompromising: Liberia cannot claim to be advancing peace and the rule of law while leaving its accountability agenda unfinished.

And as political activity is expected to intensify ahead of 2027, advocates fear that another delay could push the issue further down the national agenda – leaving victims, survivors, and communities still waiting for the justice and accountability they have demanded for decades.

Monrovia — A coalition of Liberian civil society organizations has accused the Joseph Nyuma Boakai administration of dragging its feet on the establishment of Liberia’s proposed War and Economic Crimes Court and Specialized National Anti-Corruption Court, warning that continued delays could undermine the country’s credibility as it prepares to assume the presidency of the United Nations Security Council in December 2026.

By Francis Boayue

In a strongly worded statement issued Tuesday, the National Civil Society Consortium for Transitional Justice said nearly three years into the Boakai administration, the government has yet to secure enactment of the legislation required to establish and operationalize the two courts.

The consortium said Liberia’s international leadership must be matched by concrete action at home, arguing that the country cannot credibly champion justice, human rights, accountability, peacebuilding and the rule of law internationally while leaving major justice reforms unfinished domestically.

“Accountability Delayed — Liberia Must Match Global Leadership with Domestic Accountability and Justice,” the group said in the statement.

Liberia was elected to a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for the 2026–2027 term, a development the consortium said reflected international confidence in the country’s transition from conflict to peace and its emerging role in international peace and security.

With Liberia scheduled to hold the Council’s rotating presidency in December, civil society leaders said the government faces a critical test of whether its international commitments are reflected in its domestic governance.

‘Justice Cannot Wait’

The consortium acknowledged steps already taken by the government, including the 55th Legislature’s passage of a joint resolution in April 2024 supporting the establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court.

It also credited President Boakai with creating the Office for the Establishment of War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia (OWECC) and submitting draft legislation aimed at establishing the proposed courts.

But the coalition said those measures are insufficient without final legislative action, adequate funding and full operationalization.

“Government must decisively act to complete the process,” the consortium said, calling for the enactment of the enabling statutes needed to establish and fund both institutions.

The civil society organizations said victims and survivors of Liberia’s civil wars, particularly women and children, have waited for decades for justice.

They argued that the absence of a specialized war crimes court continues to perpetuate impunity, deny victims closure and undermine national reconciliation more than two decades after Liberia’s civil conflicts.

The group specifically highlighted conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, displacement, loss of livelihoods and other serious human rights violations suffered during the wars.

Women’s Rights at Stake

According to the consortium, establishing the War and Economic Crimes Court is also critical to Liberia’s implementation of the Women, Peace and Security agenda under United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent resolutions.

The coalition said a credible, victim-centered and gender-responsive court would help transform Liberia’s international commitments on women, peace and security into tangible justice for survivors.

It said women, children and other victims must be treated not merely as symbols of Liberia’s peace narrative, but as rights-holders entitled to truth, justice, remedies and guarantees that abuses will not recur.

Corruption Court Also Critical

The coalition also linked the proposed National Anti-Corruption Court to Liberia’s broader governance and development challenges.

It warned that entrenched corruption and the abuse of public resources continue to undermine democratic governance, erode public trust and contribute to poverty and inequality.

According to the group, corruption also has a direct impact on citizens’ access to essential services, including healthcare, education and electricity.

A specialized anti-corruption court, once established and adequately resourced, would therefore help strengthen accountability, protect public resources and support inclusive and sustainable economic development, the consortium argued.

‘Non-Negotiable’

The civil society coalition described the establishment of both courts as “non-negotiable,” saying they are consistent with Liberia’s obligations under international human rights law, international humanitarian law and broader UN rule-of-law principles.

It called for the courts to operate according to international standards, including judicial independence, equality before the law, due process, fair-trial guarantees, protection of victims and witnesses and meaningful participation by victims.

The consortium argued that the two institutions could collectively strengthen the rule of law, increase public confidence in government, advance economic and social justice, deter future abuses, reinforce reconciliation and demonstrate that no individual is above the law.

Warning to Legislature

The group also directed its criticism toward the National Legislature, urging lawmakers to act without further delay on the proposed legislation.

It cautioned against using constituency consultations as a justification for prolonged legislative inaction, recalling what it described as previous delays surrounding implementation of the recommendations of Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

While acknowledging the importance of lawmakers engaging their constituents, the coalition said such engagement should not become an excuse for delaying action on the court legislation.

Seven-Point Demand

The consortium outlined seven recommendations, calling on President Boakai to urgently engage the Senate and House of Representatives to ensure timely passage of the two bills.

It further urged the President to ensure that the 2027 National Budget includes dedicated funding for both courts while mobilizing international support for their establishment and sustainability.

The Legislature, the group said, must prioritize passage of the bills, while the Executive and lawmakers must ensure that both courts are adequately resourced and operationally independent, impartial, transparent, victim-centered and gender-responsive.

The coalition also called for Liberia’s domestic justice and anti-corruption agenda to be aligned with its international commitments on human rights, peace and security, transitional justice and Women, Peace and Security.

It urged the government to use its December 2026 UN Security Council presidency as an opportunity to demonstrate leadership by example—promoting accountability internationally while institutionalizing justice at home.

The group also called on the United Nations, European Union, United States and other international partners to continue supporting Liberians’ demands for accountability and to press for the establishment and financing of both courts.

Finally, it urged the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court to deepen collaboration with the Executive, Legislature, Judiciary and other stakeholders to move the process forward.

‘The Boakai Administration Must Act Now’

The National Civil Society Consortium said it remains prepared to work with national institutions and international partners to ensure the timely establishment and sustainability of the two courts.

But it issued a blunt closing warning to the government:

“Justice delayed is justice denied. And justice denied is a recipe for human rights violations, impunity, violence, poverty and underdevelopment.”

The coalition concluded: “The Boakai administration must act now!”

The statement was signed by representatives of the Press Union of Liberia (PUL), Center for Transparency and Accountability (CENTAL), Women’s NGO Secretariat of Liberia (WONGOSOL), Association of Female Lawyers of Liberia (AFELL), National Muslim Council of Liberia (NMCL), and Liberia Council of Churches (LCC).

Summary

• War Crimes Court Cffice chief Jallah Barbu has urged President Joseph Boakai to recall lawmakers from their annual constituency break for a special session to act on legislation establishing the court.
• Barbu wants action before Boakai attends the U.N. General Assembly starting on September 8, as Liberia prepares for a prominent international role on the Security Council.
• The call comes as survivors and advocates call for urgent action on a national fund to provide reparations for people still living with the consequences of Liberia’s civil wars.

By Anthony Stephens, senior justice correspondent with New Narratives 

PAYNESVILLE CITY, Montserrado County—Jallah Barbu, executive director of the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court, has urged President Joseph Boakai to exercise his constitutional power by recalling lawmakers from their annual constituency break to act on legislation establishing the long-promised court.

Speaking Saturday at a Paynesville hotel during the 17th anniversary celebration of the Liberia Massacre Survivors Association, the country’s largest group representing victims and survivors of the civil wars, Barbu said lawmakers cannot wait.

“Mr. President, please, we begging you. These people they not coming until October,” said Barbu in Liberian English, drawing applause from an audience that included war victims and survivors. “Call them back right now to pass this law here. Don’t waste time. Call them back let them pass the law before you go to the GA[United Nations General Assembly]. It can happen.”

The appeal adds new urgency to Liberia’s long-running effort to establish a court for crimes committed during its civil wars, with competing proposals still before lawmakers more than two decades after the conflicts ended. Advocates see Boakai’s appearance at the U.N. General Assembly as an opportunity to demonstrate progress on accountability as Liberia assumes a more prominent international role, including its two-year term on the U.N. Security Council and its scheduled presidency of the Council in December. Transitional justice was not a stand-alone pillar of Liberia’s campaign for the Council’s seat, but key members of the international community have made it clear that they expect Liberia to have made meaningful progress on wartime justice before it takes is seat as chair on the Security Council. They also flag this as an important opportunity to encourage international support for the court.

The Legislature, which has the constitutional authority to establish courts, is considering six proposals: bills from the Liberian National Bar Association and a civil society coalition led by the Independent National Commission on Human Rights; separate proposals from Senate President Pro Tempore Nyonblee Karnga-Lawrence and Senator Joseph Jallah; and two bills from the government’s court office establishing a War and Economic Crimes Court and a National Anti-Corruption Court.

In May, Boakai renewed efforts to establish the courts. The Office subsequently submitted its bills, but lawmakers went on their annual constituency break in July without passing them.

The Constitution gives the president authority to convene the Legislature in an extraordinary session when the public interest requires it. Since taking office in January 2024, Boakai has recalled lawmakers from legislative breaks three times, although one recall, in August 2024, followed a request from lawmakers themselves. The current break began July 17 and runs until the second Friday in October. 

For court advocates, passage would give Boakai tangible progress to point to internationally on an accountability process that has remained unfinished since Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a special criminal court in its 2009 final Report.

But for Rebecca Sonyah, 70, the significance is far more personal.

Sonyah, the mother of Peterson Sonyah, executive director of the Liberia Massacre Survivors Association, lost her husband — Peterson’s father — and six other relatives in the St. Peter’s Lutheran Church massacre, in which an estimated 600 men, women and children were killed. Peterson and nine others survived the carnage. Sonyah, who said she was inside the church’s school building when the massacre unfolded, was left to raise Peterson and four of his siblings on her own.

Sonyah said she had previously advised her son against advocating for the court but changed her mind as the campaign became a national issue.

“The war crimes court [is] important because people fini doing the killing they are free,” Sonyah told FrontPage Africa/New Narratives on the sidelines of Saturday’s event. “So many years have gone by. Other people just grieving in their hearts. Some people caused people suffering. Then they sitting down relaxing, enjoying. So, whatever you do, you have to pay the consequence.”

Even among court supporters, there is no consensus over the final legislation. One major disagreement concerns appeals. Karnga-Lawrence and Jallah want appeals from the proposed court ultimately routed through Liberia’s Supreme Court. In a 2025 interview with FrontPage Africa/New Narratives, Jallah also sought to restrict international participation, saying foreign lawyers and judges could serve as “consultants to Liberians” but could not appear before the court unless otherwise agreed by the Supreme Court.

But international and national experts have dismissed the idea that the court could happen without internationals playing key roles. United Nations and other key officials from European governments have warned that they would not recognize the court unless it was a hybrid domestic/international court separate from Liberia’s legal system. Tiawan Gongloe, a veteran human rights lawyer, rejected the argument that the Supreme Court’s constitutional status prevents a special court from having its own appeals chamber.

“All constitutions in the world have a clear provision that the Supreme Court is the highest in the land. Sierra Leone and Rwanda have the same provisions in their constitutions, yet they had war crimes courts that had appeal chambers,” said Gongloe, under whose tenure as national president of the Liberian National Bar Association the organization submitted its hybrid court bill in 2021. “Liberia cannot have that unique,” Gongloe said. “We don’t want this ‘made in Liberia’ that makes us look bad all the time. We are a party to the Geneva Convention. We are a member of the international community.”

The Office’s proposal has also faced criticism. Among the concerns are provisions allowing the prosecution of former child soldiers recruited between the ages of 15 and 18 for atrocities allegedly committed after they turned 18. The bill also includes genocide, terrorism and mercenarism within the proposed court’s jurisdiction.

Another issue raised during discussions over the bill has been the appointment of the proposed court’s registrar, one of its most senior administrative officials.

“There’s no perfect document in the world,” Barbu said. “Our own document is not perfect, but it will address our situation.”

Before lawmakers left for their constituency break, both chambers had begun considering the proposals. Boakai’s bills were referred to House committees, while more than 40 representatives participated in a two-day technical deliberation in Buchanan in June. The Senate Judiciary Committee separately began consultations aimed at harmonizing the competing proposals. Neither chamber passed legislation before the break.

Lawmakers said they needed time to consult constituents. But a soon-to-be-released FrontPage Africa/New Narratives survey found just 4 percent of 1150 respondents in 11 counties said they were aware that their lawmakers had held any consultations with citizens on the proposed court.

The delays have fueled frustration. At Saturday’s gathering, Barbu urged supporters to begin a sit-in at the Capitol Building.

“We beg you. Make it your duty to join us at the Capitol Building,” he said. “When they come, let them see us. When they going, let them see us.”

Victims and advocates are also pressing for reparations and assistance. Gongloe called for a National War Victims Relief Fund, proposing that Liberians at home contribute LD$100 annually and working Liberians abroad contribute US$1, with the government matching the total fivefold. He said the money could support medical care and microloans.

“Taking care of victims of the war is a different agenda,” Gongloe said.

In response, Barbu made a dramatic gesture, giving Gongloe the first LD$100 towards the fund. Patmillia Doe Paivey, a commissioner of the Independent National Commission on Human Rights, quickly took the note and promised a proposal for the fund would be announced in days.

The Liberia Massacre Survivors Association separately called for US$250,000 in annual government funding, beginning in fiscal year 2026/2027, to document survivor testimony and massacre sites, support memorialization and transitional justice education, and provide livelihood assistance.

“To support LIMASA [Liberia Massacre Survivors Association] is to invest in Liberia’s peace and dignity,” the group’s statement said.

The event also honored several people, including advocates and journalists, for their service to humanity and their advocacy and reporting highlighting the plight of victims and survivors of Liberia’s civil wars.  

Bowoulu Taylor Kelley, vice president of the Association of Female Lawyers of Liberia, who delivered the keynote address, said justice must be accompanied by practical support for survivors.

“Hope is a widow hearing, at last, that her loss is seen. Hope is a nation saying to its wounded citizens: ‘you are not forgotten, you are not alone, and what happened to you matters,’” Kelley said.

She called for accessible health care, trauma-informed counseling, livelihood and education opportunities, support for widows, orphans, people living with war-related disabilities and elderly survivors, memorials, preservation of testimony and reparations.

“Restoring hope requires practical commitments,” Kelley said.

This story was a collaboration with New Narratives as part of the Investigating Liberia project. Funding was provided by the Swedish International Cooperation Development Agency. The funder had no say in the story’s content.

Monrovia — Renowned human rights lawyer and former presidential candidate Cllr. Tiawan Saye Gongloe has called for the establishment of a National War Victims Relief Fund to provide medical, economic and welfare assistance to Liberians still suffering from the physical, emotional and economic consequences of the country’s 14-year civil conflict.

By Gerald C. Koinyeneh, gerald.koinyeneh@frontpageafricaonline.com

Gongloe, in a commentary titled “We Must Not Forget the Victims of Liberia’s Civil War,” said that although Liberia’s civil war ended years ago, many victims continue to live with bullets and fragments in their bodies, lost limbs, impaired vision, chronic pain and emotional trauma.

Others, he noted, remain trapped in poverty after losing homes, farms, businesses and family members during the conflict.

“Many feel abandoned and forgotten by the country for whose conflict they paid such a terrible price,” Gongloe said.

He argued that Liberia has a moral obligation to address what he described as a historic imbalance in post-war assistance.

The Liberian civil wars (from 1989 to 1997, and from 1999 to 2003) became notorious for extreme brutality against civilians, including widespread massacres, torture and systemic sexual violence. Factions widely used and forcibly recruited children, often giving them drugs and arming them with cheap, accessible automatic weapons. About 250,000 people lost their lives, and hundreds of thousands were displaced.

According to Gongloe, former combatants received organized disarmament and demobilization packages, including financial assistance, vocational training and other support aimed at facilitating their reintegration into civilian life.

While acknowledging that such assistance was necessary to secure peace, Gongloe said many civilians who were injured, widowed, displaced or economically devastated by the war received little or no comparable support.

“Liberia must correct this historic injustice,” he declared.

Proposed Five-Year Relief Fund

Gongloe proposed that the National War Victims Relief Fund initially operate for five years, financed through contributions from Liberians and a substantial government counterpart contribution.

Under his proposal, every unemployed adult Liberian who is able to contribute would pay L$100 annually, while every employed Liberian would contribute US$1 per year.

Liberians living abroad, he added, should also be encouraged to contribute at least US$1 annually.

The Liberian Government would then match national contributions at a ratio of US$5 for every US$1 contributed under the scheme.

Gongloe said the fund should prioritize victims with severe disabilities and provide assistance including medical treatment, medication, prosthetic devices and modest welfare support.

It should also provide interest-free microloans to victims capable of engaging in farming, petty trading and other small businesses.

He said the objective should not simply be financial assistance, but to help victims regain independence and restore hope.

Separate Victims’ Relief From War Crimes Court

The Liberian Government is in an advanced stage in establishing a war and economic crimes court. Currently, two draft legislations are before the Legislature for passage.

Gongloe stressed that the proposed relief fund must remain completely separate from the establishment of Liberia’s War and Economic Crimes Court.

He said the two initiatives would serve different purposes: the court would address accountability for crimes committed during the civil conflict, while the relief fund would respond to the immediate needs of victims still suffering today.

“A wounded victim who needs medicine should not have to wait for a prosecution, and a widow living in poverty should not have to wait for the creation of a court before receiving assistance,” he said.

According to Gongloe, Liberia can simultaneously pursue accountability for wartime atrocities and provide practical support to victims.

Calls for Transparency

Gongloe also warned that the proposed fund must be insulated from political interference and managed transparently.

He called for the establishment of a credible national registry of qualified war victims and annual audits by the General Auditing Commission.

He further proposed that administrative costs—including salaries, offices and operational expenses—not be deducted from money intended for victims.

Instead, he said such expenses should be financed through a separate appropriation in the national budget.

“Why Now?”

Anticipating questions over why such a fund should be created decades after the war, Gongloe said the passage of time has not erased the suffering of victims.

“Delay is not a reason for continued neglect; it is a reason to act now,” he argued.

For Gongloe, the proposal goes beyond providing financial assistance.

He described it as a national declaration that Liberia remembers those who suffered during the conflict, recognizes their continuing hardships and accepts responsibility for helping them rebuild their lives.