Liberia’s History of Strains: Bad Blood Between President Weah, VP, Latest in Long Line of Spats
Monrovia – George Washington, regarded as the founding father of the United States of America, rarely got along with his Vice President John Adams. History is filled with glaring similarities often injected in modern democracies grappling with spats between presidents and vice presidents.
Report by Rodney D. Sieh, [email protected]
And the list is endless
Former President Charles Taylor and his vice, Moses Blah endured the same and nearing the end of her presidency, former President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf also struggled to patch things up with her vice president Joseph Boakai. Both put up a united front during their second term quest in 2011 but when it was time for Sirleaf to pass on the baton, it was clear that the relationship had reached breaking point as Sirleaf through her weight behind the current President George Manneh Weah.
The mysterious death of Enoch Dogolea during the Taylor years was also attributed in some circles as being the result of tension with former President Taylor.
Tubman vs. Simpson – Ambition & Distrust
As far back as 1943, tension brewed between President William V.S. Tubman and Clarence L. Simpson. Simpson had considered running to succeed Edwin Barclay in 1943, even invoking the fact that he was of mixed repatriate-indigenous background.
Simpson was a major political force in the mid-1900s. Prior to becoming Secretary of State, he had served as Post Master General and Speaker of the House of Representatives from 1931–1934.
His influence made him one of six candidates in line to replace President Barclay whose term ended in January 1944.
Although he eventually lost to William V.S. Tubman, Tubman selected him to serve as vice president from 1944–1952.
Tubman, a non-Monrovia or Rock boy as was called those days from Maryland County was seen as humble and controllable, a perception history has now proven to have been a miscalculation at the time as Tubman went on to rule Liberia for 27 unbroken years.
Barclay would later become surprise that Tubman became a hard-headed man who used his influence to have the constitution changed from two terms to a non-term limit or as long as the Liberian people needed you to serve them as their President.
Barclay and other Monrovia boys including the late David Coleman formed what was known as the independent True Whig Party to oppose Tubman in 1955.
Tubman marginalized Barclay and his Monrovia boys including Coleman who was killed along with his young son John Coleman who had just return from the United States as a young Engineer.
The strains between Tubman and Simpson heightened.
Tubman fearing that Simpson was a bit ambitious reportedly orchestrated a high-profile political lynching of Simpson, linking the respected statesman to the killing of the famous Madame Korlu.
Although Simpson denied the charges, it ruined his political ambition. Some older Liberians believed that the Madam Korlu case was designed by Tubman and his security team. Simpson was also accused of being behind a solidarity youth movement holding Tubman’s feet to the fire.
Tubman’s biggest fear at the time, was that Simpson had his eyes on the presidency. Members of the True Whig Party met in caucus and supported by President Edwin Barclay selected William V. S. Tubman. As a compromised, Simpson became the Vice Standard Bearer to William V. S. Tubman.
Tubman, realizing that his first Vice President, Simpson was very ambitious, selected a new replacement, Ben Freeman from Careysburg, Montserrado County. But Freeman died before he was inaugurated or took the oath of office, paving the way for Tubman to turn to William R. Tolbert, whom he picked after his victory against D. Twe.
In Tolbert, Tubman saw no ambition. In fact, some Liberians believed at that time Tubman did not want Simpson around and sent him out of the country as Ambassador to the Court of St. James-London, England; Ambassador to the United States, Washington, D.C.
What looks or some consider a feud between President Weah and his vice president Taylor is not unprecedented in Liberia. In fact, throughout Liberia’s history, Presidents have been known to tip less-ambitious personalities as running mates or successors.
This was clearly evident in 1977 when late President Tolbert who succeeded Tubman tipped the low-key Bennie Warner as his Vice President, shocking a nation that became puzzled by the choice of a bishop of the United Methodist Church who was politically unknown.
“Fortunately for us, though President Roye was deposed on the 26th of October by the uprising of the sovereign people of this Republic, notwithstanding fire-arms and munitions of war were scattered broadcast to keep him in, his deposition was accomplished without the shedding of blood . The people felt aggrieved at the acts of President Roye to maintain the position that he had assumed, contrary to the declaration of the Legislature, which was in accordance with their will and pleasure, as expressed at the ballot-box at the special election in May 1870, and reiterated at the ballot-box at the biennial election in May, 1871.”
— James Skivring Smith, Liberia’s 6th President from1871-1872, In his only Presidential Annual Message delivered on December 4, 1871.
Smith vs. Roye – No Sympathy Here
Even the relationship between Tubman and Tolbert was not smooth sailing. In fact, according to Dr. D. Elwood Dunn, Professor Emeritus at University of the South, in Sawnee, Tennessee and the last minister of State for Presidential Affairs up to the April 12, 1980 coup which killed Tolbert and ended decades of Americo-Liberian rule, that strains between Tolbert and Tubman may be one reason why Tolbert tried hard to be “his own man” when he succeeded Tubman.
Further back in history, Dr. Dunn asserts, that the position taken by Vice President James Skivring Smith, who was Liberia’s 6th President from1871-1872, in the aftermath of the overthrow of President E.J. Roye in 1871 suggests possible differences between the two men.
In his only Presidential Annual Message delivered on December 4, 1871, Smith was unsympathetic, in fact in celebratory mood over Roye’s demise and overthrow.
Said Smith: “Fortunately for us, though President Roye was deposed on the 26th of October by the uprising of the sovereign people of this Republic, notwithstanding fire-arms and munitions of war were scattered broadcast to keep him in, his deposition was accomplished without the shedding of blood . The people felt aggrieved at the acts of President Roye to maintain the position that he had assumed, contrary to the declaration of the Legislature, which was in accordance with their will and pleasure, as expressed at the ballot-box at the special election in May 1870, and reiterated at the ballot-box at the biennial election in May, 1871.”
Smith explained in his Annual Message: “Remonstrance after remonstrance, and the entreaties of friends, proved equally unavailing until forbearance was considered no longer a virtue, and the sovereign people of the Republic rose in their might, resumed the delegated powers granted the President and deposed their Chief Magistrate, Edward James Roye , and in a peaceable yet decisive manner declared that he should no longer discharge the duties of said office. This solemn act was not unadvisedly and precipitately entered upon. The existence of causes, and setting forth the expediency and the necessity of such a course were communicated to all parts of the Republic, and an expression of the people solicited; and each county held a convention to consider and deliberate on the subject.”
Smith argued: “It was not disreputable to the people of Liberia that they indulged the hope to the last moment that President Roye would discontinue those acts, against which they used every persuasion and proceeded to protest in tones of thunder, or that he would for the maintenance of public peace and the preservation of our Republican institutions have peaceably and quietly resigned his position. But in this they were sadly disappointed, and the last and direful resort was forced upon them, and they spoke, and it was done.
Smith said although he deplored the circumstances of Roye’s death, and would have rejoiced had a beneficent Providence seen fit to have averted it, yet he could not charge his countrymen with a disposition to disregard rule and order. “I admired their patience, fortitude and discretion. It is, however, my candid conviction that if the same moderation and discretion had been exercised by the Legislature, this lamentable event might have been avoided by seasonable intervention of the Judiciary. We hope that this lesson will not be lost on the present and succeeding statesmen of our country. And it is sincerely to be hoped that the surprise and agitation the act produced on the public mind, notwithstanding the subject had been thoroughly considered, weighed and determined, will teach us that we cannot be too cautious and deliberate as regards the preservation and protection of our national existence.”
Jewel Saga Mirrors Too Wesley
Similarly, strains between Charles Dunbar King, the 17th President of Liberia(from 1920 until 1930) and his VP Henry Too Wesley (1924-1928), is well documented.
Wesley, Liberia’s first indigenous vice president, was not carried for a second term because King felt his VP was in sympathy with “the opposition,” and so he was dropped and Allen N. Yancy was brought in as VP for King’s second term. He was the second of three vice presidents to serve under King.
Fast forward to today, a long-rumored spat between President Weah and his vice president, Howard-Taylor is now a full-blown discussion in public domain. Even as both have struggled to keep it at bay, rising tensions and strains of uncertainty have made it impossible for anyone to shield what has been inevitable for months.
The current VP, like Too Wesley, has faced accusations that she has been supportive of opposition causes, including last year’s June 7, protest.
Across the Atlantic, Washington, served as the first president of the US from 1789 to 1797. He rose to fame after leading the Patriot forces to victory in the nation’s War for Independence. He tipped Adams as his vice president on April 21, 1789 but limiting his vice to ceremonial responsibilities, and keeping him from assuming an active role in the Washington’s administration.
While both men appeared to be cordial, the visibility of strains was clear, often conflicting on lines of personality, circumstance, and principle which limited Adams’s influence.
Adams rarely attended cabinet meetings and his counsel was rarely sought by Washington.
Like Jewel, Adams often hesitated to take any action that might be construed as usurping the president’s prerogative, he generally forwarded applications for offices in the new government to Washington.
Whatever the situation is, political observers say, both president Weah and VP Taylor should resolve their differences for the benefit of the three-party coalition – and maybe the country. If not, it is possible that president Weah could drop VP Taylor and select a new vice standard bearer who could become vice president if president Weah should win the presidential election in 2023.
Washington vs. Adams – A Liberia Test Case
In fact, author and historian Ron Chernow, in his book, Washington: A Life, delves into the enduring mystery of the Washington presidency and why he relegated Adams to a minor role.
Chernow wrote: “A Washington biographer is struck by the paucity of letters exchanged between the two men; Adams was clearly excluded from the inner circle of advisers. Partly this was a structural phenomenon. Under the Constitution, the vice-president served as president of the Senate, this overlapping two branches of governments. Nowadays we think of the vice-president as the president’s agent in the legislature, but Adams saw the vice-presidency as a creature of that branch. He stated bluntly “the office I hold is totally detached from the executive authority and confined to the legislative.” On another occasion he insisted that the Constitution had created “two great offices,” with one officer “placed at the head of the executive, the other at the head of the legislature.” As Washington tried to protect the presidency from senatorial intrusion, Adams was bound to suffer a demotion in the process.
In the current Liberia dispensation, Vice President Howard Taylor holds similar powers. It is one she says she hoped would be an asset for the ruling Coalition for Democratic Change government and not a handicap. “As Vice President, I think that is a primary rule because when the constitution says the vice president shall assist the president in the discharge of all of his duties, this is what is required, advising, getting full information on issues, so that, you know, my advice would be appropriate,” the VP told FrontPageAfrica in an exclusive interview this week, as she lamented: “Because of the difficulties we’ve had over the last two years, I don’t think I’ve been able to play that role. And, as I said earlier, I’m praying that as we go into year number three, some of those things will fade away. And, you know, both of us have realized that we have four years left, and that we must do what we have promised to do. So, that the people of Liberia in their gauging of whether we have fulfilled our commitments or not, can be able to give us a good passing mark. So, there’s much more than needs to be taught.”
Weah v. Jewel: A Pairing of Convenience
A lot of eyebrows were raised when Mr. Weah tipped Howard-Taylor as his running mate. The former First Lady to one of Liberia’s most brutal dictator, Charles Taylor was seen as a throwback. But Mr. Weah and his supporters defended the choice.
It proved in the end to be a matter of political convenience. Bong County, the base of Howard-Taylor is still revered as a Taylor stronghold and proved to be a massive decider for Mr. Weah, who rode on the back of Mr. Taylor’s National Patriotic Front of Liberia base en route to victory.
It is a fact that has not been lost on the Vice President, who feels she and her party were used as a pawn toward an election victory. “I believe as a result of the two leaked tapes and the revelations from some of them, they can lead anyone to believe that it is because of the background talk for which I’m not apart. could make some people believe that okay, she’s there but she’s an expendable asset. You know, if certain things continue you know, we don’t need her, we’ve already reached to where we are – I believe that some people think that way because I feel it, I see at times when I go to different places.”
Since the end of the campaign, the VP says, the party has thrown her aside. “The interaction I would get maybe during the campaign is completely different. Now people are irritable, when you try to bring an issue. They don’t, you know, want to pay attention to listen to you. And it makes people feel really a little bit lost because whatever it is, we are one crew working together to accomplish the something and we should be able to watch each other’s back and protect the process, the legal process, so that we all arrive at where we hope will be in the interest of our country. So, I do believe that there is some level of disrespect in different places.”
Where the Weah-Taylor spat has not reached is the level of public ridiculing as was seen between Washington and Adams.
Historian Chernow explains that Washington was aware that in the Congress Adams had sometimes been a vocal opponent of his performance. “The Virginian demanded loyalty from those around him, and Adams had forfeited that trust during the war, never to regain it. An envious man, Adams was secretly exasperated by Washington’s unprecedented success.”
This is where political observers fear that the Weah presidency could run into trouble. If the ongoing spat between he and his vice president reached boiling point, it could result in the VP, with nothing to lose asserting her leadership of the Senate to Mr. Weah’s detriment and his legislative agenda.
The vice president does have constitutional backing. Article 51 states: “There shall be a Vice-President who shall assist the President in the discharge of his functions. The Vice-President shall be elected on the same political ticket and shall serve the same term as the President. The Vice-President shall be President of the Senate and preside over its deliberations without the right to vote, except in the case of a tie vote. He shall attend meetings of the cabinet and other governmental meetings and shall perform such functions as the President shall delegate or deem appropriate; provided that no powers specifically vested in the President by the provisions of this Constitution shall be delegated to the Vice-President.”
As Chernow wrote: “There was also a profound temperamental gulf between Washington and Adams. Both were stubborn, gritty men with courageous devotion to American liberty, but Washington was far more restrained and self-effacing. It also couldn’t have helped relations between the two men that Adams was an age peer and political rival to Washington, who preferred drawing on the talents of younger men, such as Madison and Hamilton. Of his time as vice-president, John Adams would render a glum assessment: “My country has, in its wisdom, contrived for me the most insignificant office that ever the invention of man contrived or his imagination conceived.”
In contrast, both Weah and Taylor, came together as a matter of political convenience, two strange bedfellows uniting for a seat of power but now finding it difficult to get along.
As the Weah-led government limps into its third year, many hold the belief that the vice president may not be in the picture as Mr. Weah’s running mate in his quest for a second term in 2023. It is a gamble some say could prove costly for the CDC-led government, now risk alienating the three-party coalition on whose backs it rode to power.
And this is not unusual.
In next-door Sierra Leone, former President Ernest Bai Koroma, on March 17, 2015, sacked Sam-Sumana as Vice President on the ground that he had abandoned his position to seek an asylum in the United States Embassy in Freetown, and for not belonging to a political party as stated in the constitution.
While Liberia’s constitution does not allow the same, African politics have been known to invent rules along the way to please the powers of the day.
During the early days of the Weah presidency, the President sought to take away oversight responsibilities of the National Lotteries Corporation from the office of the vice president, in what many insiders say is a last-ditch effort by the President to shift power and influence away from his vice president.
The President in a bill submitted to the national legislature is seeking to wrestle the vice president’s oversight of the lotteries and granting himself appointing powers to someone with a deciding vote, effectively leaving his vice president in the cold.
Since 1993 when the legislature first enacted the bill, the vice president has had oversight of the lotteries. In the past twelve years, former vice president Joseph Boakai had the deciding vote on the lotteries board.
Efforts to have wrestle the VP’s leadership of the Senate were also stymied despite a push by Senator Varney Sherman(UP, Grand Cape Mount).
Whether or not the implications of such a move, early in the presidency was aimed at keeping the VP at bay, the similarities between the Washington Presidency and the Weah Presidency speak volumes.
Adams did not hold back his impressions of Washington. Shortly after taking office, he wrote to his friend and supporter Benjamin Lincoln, “The Constitution has instituted two great offices…and the nation at large has created two officers: one who is the first of the two…is placed at the Head of the Executive, the other at the Head of the Legislative.” The following year, he informed another correspondent that the office of vice president “is totally detached from the executive authority and confined to the legislative.”
An Assertive Jewel Could Trouble Weah in Senate
Historians says although Washington rarely consulted Adams on domestic or foreign policy matters, the two men, according to Adams biographer, John Ferling, “jointly executed many more of the executive branch’s ceremonial undertakings than would be likely for a contemporary president and vice-president.”
In contrast to Liberia, both Weah and Jewel, while haven’t come to blows, appear to be going in opposition direction. Last week, the Press Union of Liberia took Freedom FM 87.9, owned by the Deputy Director of President Weah’s National Security Agency(NSA) to task, for launching a series of stinging verbal attacks on the Vice President.
The issue has drawn the attention of a Senate committee looking into the Vice President’s complaints that budget allocation for her office is being stymied by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning.
The committee, set up by Pro Temp Albert T. Chie comprises Sen. Nyonblee Karnga-Lawrence(Liberty Party) as Chairperson, Sen. Varney G. H. Sherman(Unity Party, Cape Mount), Sen. Commany B. Wesseh(Unity Party, River Gee), Sen. Sando D. Johnson(NPP, Bomi) and Sen. Abe Darius Dillon(Liberty Party, Montserrado County).
It has prevailed on the Vice President not to boycott Monday’s Annual Message by the President, illustrating the extent to which the strains have reached.
The committee, in a statement, says while it will ultimately speak through its report next Tuesday, it has prevailed on the Vice President to attend the President’s annual message on Monday January 27th and return to work as we resolve these concerns, in line with its oversight responsibilities.
The committee has also called on surrogates of the government to end its abuse on talk radio against the VP. “We will also urge Government functionaries to stop using radio stations to abuse the Vice President, as the office of the Vice President is the second highest in our land and must be respected at all times,” the statement said.
Whatever the situation is, political observers say, both president Weah and VP Taylor should resolve their differences for the benefit of the three-party coalition – and maybe the country. If not, it is possible that president Weah could drop VP Taylor and select a new vice standard bearer who could become vice president if president Weah should win the presidential election in 2023.
For the foreseeable future, some political observers say, VP Howard-Taylor could model Adams in becoming more assertive just as Adams was in preventing the Senate from asserting himself under Washington.
For the immediate future, however, it appears the vice president is simply looking for respect. “I believe that the inner wrangling and power struggles around the Presidency are cause for the lingering uneasiness between the President and I, a situation which makes others to believe that my position as an elected Vice President can be treated with disdain and disrespect.”