MONROVIA – What started as a political controversy over remarks by Montserrado County District 10 Representative Yekeh Y. Kolubah has grown into one of the most consequential confrontations between Legislature and judiciary in recent years. On Thursday, October 22, 2026, at 11:00 a.m., the Supreme Court will hear his appeal against an expulsion that 49 lawmakers approved on April 17.

By Selma Lomax, selma.lomax@frontpageafricaonline.com 

The Court’s October 14 notice, signed by Clerk Cllr. Sam Mamulu, schedules arguments. It does not announce a decision, and it does not promise a judgment on the day. Nearly six months after the vote, the case is returning to the full bench, and its outcome may turn less on politics than on a question of procedure.

A border comment becomes a disciplinary case

The dispute traces back to statements attributed to Kolubah during a sensitive period in the country’s territorial disagreement with Guinea. According to communications later presented to the House, he suggested that contested territory belonged to Guinea. Some lawmakers and security officials reacted with alarm.

Inspector General of Police Gregory Coleman wrote to the House warning that such statements, made by an elected official without an established legal, diplomatic or treaty basis, could unsettle border communities. He also reported that Guinean authorities and affiliated actors had begun referencing the remarks, which he feared could lend weight to claims unfavorable to Liberia. In his view, lawmakers carry a heightened responsibility when speaking about sovereignty, and reckless statements could raise concerns about breaches of the peace.

That argument immediately raised a competing constitutional question. Can an elected legislator be expelled for a controversial opinion on a national issue? Or can such statements, depending on their nature and consequences, amount to misconduct serious enough to justify the harshest sanction a chamber can impose?

The matter reached the House through two communications: one from the Montserrado District 3 Representative, Sumo Mulbah, seeking expulsion for alleged misconduct and violation of his oath, and the other from Coleman. Montserrado District 4 Representative and lawyer Michael Thomas then moved that the Committee on Rules, Order and Administration investigate and report to Plenary during the special session. Speaker Richard Nagbe Koon urged Kolubah to cooperate with the process.

The vote

On April 17, the House voted to expel Kolubah. Article 38 of the Constitution lets each chamber set its rules, maintain discipline and expel a member with the concurrence of two-thirds. Forty-nine votes clear that threshold in a 73-member chamber, so the numbers have not been the weak point of the House’s position.

The more contested question is whether the process leading to the vote met constitutional and procedural standards. Expulsion differs sharply from a reprimand or suspension. It removes an elected official from the institution and strips a constituency of its chosen representative, which is why the safeguards surrounding it matter as much as the count.

The hearing Kolubah left

The House’s lawyers say he was given the opportunity to answer the allegations but walked away from the hearing convened for that purpose. Having left voluntarily, they argue, he cannot credibly claim he was denied due process.

Kolubah’s challenge disputes the legality of the process. Accounts of the proceedings have also raised questions about whether his lawyers had a real chance to participate, obtain evidence and prepare a defense. Those allegations would require examination of the disciplinary record before anyone could draw firm conclusions.

The disagreement illustrates a distinction between holding a hearing and providing a meaningful opportunity to be heard. Article 20(a), which protects due process, generally requires adequate notice, understanding of the allegations, access to relevant evidence and a fair chance to respond. Yet an institution is not necessarily obliged to halt its proceedings whenever an accused member declines to take part. The legal weight of Kolubah’s departure depends on the circumstances around it.

The order and the vote

While the disciplinary process was underway, Kolubah’s lawyers sought help from the Supreme Court. According to accounts of the dispute, Associate Justice Yussif D. Kaba issued a directive on April 16 concerning the continuation of the House’s proceedings. The House voted to expel him the next day.

That sequence became the foundation of Kolubah’s case. His lawyers argue the Legislature acted in disregard of judicial authority. The House replies that it was never properly served with the relevant documents and cannot be accused of violating an order it did not legally receive.

The dispute thus moved from legislative discipline into a question about the authority of the courts. Article 2 establishes the supremacy of the Constitution, and no branch of government has unlimited power. But showing that an institution defied an order requires proof of the order’s legal effect and of notice delivered in the manner the law prescribes. Acting after a directive was reportedly issued does not, by itself, establish deliberate defiance.

The Bill of Information and the House’s defense

Kolubah’s lawyers filed a Bill of Information alleging violations of judicial directives and due-process protections. On April 29, the House’s lawyers asked for its dismissal. They argued that the House has constitutional authority to discipline and expel members, that Kolubah received due process but abandoned the hearing, that the judicial documents were not properly served, and that he failed to exhaust internal legislative remedies before going to court.

The service argument proved the most powerful. A government institution, the lawyers said, cannot be held responsible for an order never communicated to it through recognized procedures.

May’s ruling

In May 2026, Justice Kaba dismissed the Bill of Information for improper service. According to accounts of the ruling, the House had not been properly served with the writ and stay order. The Sergeant-at-Arms was identified as the official authorized to receive documents for the Legislature, and the papers had not reached that office through the required channel.

The decision was a significant setback for Kolubah, but its limits matter. It did not hold that the expulsion was constitutional, and it did not find that the allegations justified removal. It addressed the narrower question of whether the procedural conditions for enforcing the directive against the House had been met.

That means a procedural ruling can settle one legal challenge without resolving the underlying constitutional dispute. If the Supreme Court upholds the dismissal, it will not necessarily have examined or endorsed the disciplinary proceedings. Likewise, a win for Kolubah on service would not automatically prove the expulsion unconstitutional.

What legal practitioners expect

FrontPage Africa asked legal practitioners how the appeal might fare. Two lawyers, neither of whom authorized publication of their names, pointed to service as potentially decisive.

One said court documents must be served on officials legally authorized to receive them, and that delivery to anyone else may not establish that an institution got proper notice. He expressed doubts about Kolubah’s prospects. The other explained that service guarantees a party legally sufficient notice, ordinarily through a sheriff or marshal delivering papers to the right recipient. He called the earlier finding a serious weakness in Kolubah’s position.

Both framed their views as personal predictions, not knowledge of how the justices will rule. The justices must decide independently whether the earlier finding was correct and what follows from it.

The constitutional view

Political and social commentator Dr. Clarence R. Pearson Sr. has looked past service to the wider stakes. He sees the case as a test of whether the Court can avoid two dangers: letting legislative independence become immunity from constitutional scrutiny, and letting judicial oversight erode the Legislature’s legitimate authority over its own affairs.

Pearson notes that Article 38 must be read alongside Article 15 on freedom of expression, Article 17 on assembly, association and petition, Article 20(a) on due process and Article 2 on constitutional supremacy. A power to expel, he argues, does not make every use of it lawful. He cautions against treating dissent or controversial criticism as grounds for expulsion without examining the actual conduct, evidence and applicable rules, while acknowledging that free expression does not shield unlawful threats or serious misconduct.

He also insists the case should not become a referendum on Kolubah’s popularity or combative style. The analysis must rest on constitutional provisions.

District 10

The people of Montserrado County Electoral District 10 have been living with uncertainty since April. Article 37 provides for filling legislative vacancies through by-elections, but applying it is difficult while the legality of the removal is under challenge. If the expulsion stands, the vacancy questions return. If it is invalidated, the consequences differ.

One lawyer told FrontPage Africa that the by-election timetable should not be confused with the Supreme Court’s own scheduling, noting that cases can wait extended periods before assignment and that no general rule requires the Court to hear matters within the vacancy period. That is a legal point, but it does not remove the public-interest concern about prolonged uncertainty over an elected seat.

What the justices might do

The Court could uphold the dismissal, leaving the Bill of Information closed and the expulsion unexamined. It could instead find that the earlier ruling needs reconsideration and order further proceedings. It could also address the operation of the April 16 directive and the circumstances of the vote.

A favorable procedural ruling would not necessarily mean immediate reinstatement, since the Court might grant limited relief or direct a remedy aimed at a specific defect. An unfavorable ruling would not endorse every allegation against him. Predictions that Kolubah will automatically return or permanently lose his seat are premature.

A precedence that outlives the dispute

Whatever the result, the case is likely to be cited. A ruling on the limits of expulsion could shape future disciplinary proceedings and clarify when judicial review is available. A ruling stressing service could affect disputes involving ministries, agencies and other public bodies that become parties to litigation.

It is also a chance to reaffirm that constitutional protections apply regardless of political identity. An outspoken opposition lawmaker and a member aligned with House leadership are entitled to the same safeguards, and the House’s authority to discipline should not depend on the accused member’s popularity.

When the justices convene on October 22, the question will reach beyond whether Kolubah should have been expelled. It will be whether the process complied with the Constitution and whether the institutions wielding public

power stayed within the law. For a country that depends on the separation of powers, the answer may matter far more than the fate of a single seat.

MONROVIA — Two senior Liberian lawmakers, Senate Pro Tempore Nyonblee Karnga-Lawrence and Montserrado County Senator Abraham Darius Dillon, have been accused of allegedly orchestrating the dismissal of former Commerce Minister Magdalene Dagoseh, with a representative of her foundation claiming that the lawmakers offered US$80,000 to officials in the Office of the President to influence the decision.

By Obediah Johnson

The allegations were made Tuesday, October 13, by Cyrus Julius Jones, head of Media, Policy and Communication Management Professional at the Magdalene Ellen Dagoseh Foundation (MEDF).

Jones alleged that the lawmakers sought Dagoseh’s removal because of her growing political influence in Grand Bassa County and concerns that she could challenge Karnga-Lawrence in the 2029 general and presidential elections.

Both lawmakers have rejected the allegations. Karnga-Lawrence, through her media attaché, described the claims as unfounded, while Dillon responded dismissively when contacted by FrontPage Africa.

President Joseph Nyuma Boakai dismissed Dagoseh as Minister of Commerce on Friday, September 11, replacing her with Stephen Yekeson Jr. An Executive Mansion release announcing the decision stated that Dagoseh had been relieved of her duties to be reassigned to another government position.

The circumstances surrounding her removal have since generated political controversy, with some of her supporters alleging that the decision was linked to her anticipated political ambitions in Grand Bassa County.

Alleged US$80,000 payment

In a statement issued in Monrovia, Jones alleged that Karnga-Lawrence initially provided US$50,000 to Minister of State for Presidential Affairs Samuel A. Stevquoah and Presidential Legal Adviser Cllr. Bushuben M. Keita in an effort to influence Boakai to remove Dagoseh from the Commerce Ministry. The Executive Mansion did not respond up to the time of publication.

Jones further alleged that Dillon subsequently provided an additional amount exceeding US$30,000 to Stevquoah as part of the alleged effort.

Jones did not provide publicly verifiable documentary evidence in the statement to substantiate the alleged payments.

According to him, Dagoseh’s increasing visibility through her humanitarian activities and the work of her foundation had become a source of political concern for Karnga-Lawrence, who represents Grand Bassa County in the Senate.

Jones claimed that the former minister’s position in the government could have enhanced her capacity to organize and finance a potential senatorial campaign against the Senate Pro Tempore in 2029.

“The activities of the Magdalene Ellen Dagoseh Foundation had increased the former minister’s visibility, creating political anxiety ahead of the 2029 elections,” Jones said in the statement.

He further alleged that Karnga-Lawrence had repeatedly expressed concerns to President Boakai about the possibility of Dagoseh challenging her politically.

The allegations have not been independently verified by FrontPage Africa.

Jones alleges closed-door meeting

Jones also claimed that a closed-door meeting was arranged involving Karnga-Lawrence, Dillon, Stevquoah, Keita and two unidentified employees of the Ministry of State.

According to him, the meeting followed delays in the alleged initial arrangements to influence the President’s decision regarding Dagoseh’s removal.

The statement did not establish when the meeting allegedly took place or provide independent confirmation of its participants or the purported financial transactions.

Jones also challenged Karnga-Lawrence’s previous assertion that she had been consulted by Boakai before Dagoseh was appointed Commerce Minister.

He maintained that the Senate Pro Tempore did not know the circumstances surrounding Dagoseh’s appointment, arguing that the former minister’s longstanding service to the Unity Party and Liberia contributed to her selection by the President.

Jones further accused the two lawmakers of attempting to undermine Dagoseh’s political standing in Grand Bassa County because of her humanitarian activities.

Despite her removal from the Commerce Ministry, he said, Dagoseh remained committed to supporting vulnerable people and communities through the foundation.

“Madam Dagoseh remains committed to expanding humanitarian programs through the Magdalene Ellen Dagoseh Foundation,” he said.

He assured beneficiaries that the foundation’s programs would continue despite the controversy surrounding her departure from the government.

Dillon dismisses allegations

When contacted via WhatsApp for a response, Senator Dillon dismissed the allegations in a brief message.

“If this nonsense makes sense to you… go publish it,” Dillon responded.

He did not provide further details in the response.

Karnga-Lawrence denies involvement

Meanwhile, Rolay Glay, media attaché in the Office of Senate Pro Tempore Karnga-Lawrence, denied that his principal orchestrated or attempted to influence Dagoseh’s dismissal.

Glay argued that the President has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss members of his administration, maintaining that the Senate Pro Tempore had no reason to interfere with an executive decision.

“I want to call on Cyrus Jones to go and do his civics very well to understand the functions of the three branches of government. The Pro Tempore is part of the Legislature; she will not interfere into the Executive,” Glay said.

He insisted that Karnga-Lawrence had neither orchestrated Dagoseh’s removal nor sought to influence Boakai to dismiss a presidential appointee.

According to Glay, the Senate Pro Tempore exercises her legislative responsibilities through the Senate, including participating in decisions on the confirmation of presidential nominees, rather than offering money to executive officials.

He also maintained that Karnga-Lawrence had played a significant role in working with her colleagues to secure Dagoseh’s confirmation when she was nominated to head the Commerce Ministry.

Glay questioned the plausibility of the alleged payment, asking why Karnga-Lawrence would offer money to influence a decision that constitutionally rests with the President.

“It makes not sense (for the Pro Temp to offer money). How can someone offer US$50,000? Are you saying the President took a bribe of US$50,000 because it is the president who makes the decision?” he said.

He did not provide evidence to independently establish the circumstances surrounding Dagoseh’s dismissal.

Glay further dismissed suggestions that the Senate Pro Tempore was concerned about Dagoseh’s possible political challenge in 2029, insisting that Karnga-Lawrence remained focused on serving the Liberian people.

Political implications

The allegations place the dismissal of the former Commerce Minister against the backdrop of emerging political calculations ahead of the 2029 elections, when Grand Bassa County voters will again elect their representatives to the Senate.

However, the claims that the lawmakers financed an effort to secure Dagoseh’s removal remain allegations, and no independent evidence presented in Jones’s statement establishes that the purported payments occurred or that they influenced Boakai’s decision.

The Executive Mansion’s earlier announcement said Dagoseh would be reassigned to another government position, but the statement cited in this account did not specify the position or explain the reasons for her removal.

The dispute also raises questions about the basis for the competing accounts of Dagoseh’s dismissal, particularly the allegations of financial inducement and the denials from the lawmakers’ representatives.

FrontPage Africa’s account of the controversy is based on Jones’s statement and responses from Dillon and Karnga-Lawrence’s media attaché. The allegations concerning payments to presidential officials have not been independently confirmed.

As of publication, the responses cited above did not include separate comments from Stevquoah or Keita addressing the specific allegations that they received money in connection with Dagoseh’s dismissal.

The former minister’s promised reassignment, as announced by the Executive Mansion, also remains a key outstanding issue in the controversy.

Monrovia – A Representative hopeful of Montserrado County Electoral District #10 has called on residents of the district to remain patient and shun all forms of violence, including plans to block the President’s convoy or residence in protest of their lack of representation.

By Emmanuel Weedee-Conway

Speaking in an exclusive interview with FrontPage Africa, Thomas Taylor, a lifelong resident of the district, said that while he fully understands the frustration and disenchantment of residents who feel unrepresented, violence is not the answer.

“I urge them, I plead with them, I beg them as a fellow resident and son of this district that violence is not the answer. We are not a people of violence. There is no right way to do the wrong thing,” Taylor warned.

He vowed that his team will continue to engage the Supreme Court and all necessary parties to ensure an amicable resolution for the betterment of the district, noting that although protest is a constitutional right, it must be exercised peacefully.

“I fully agree, and I stand with them for the fact that they are disenchanted. But going through the means of violence is not the solution. It will just cause more chaos. It is better to make your presence felt by being peaceful and stating your grievances,” he stressed.

 “Keep the patience. Keep the peace. Keep pushing – our message has already gone out.”

A Son of the District With a Vision

Taylor, who has lived in various parts of the district, pointed out that he has decided to step forward because the district has regressed over the past 20 years.

“This district is all that I know. At times it hurts to sit down and know what needs to be done or how things can be improved while your leaders are not doing what they should do.”

Though he never contested before, Taylor sees his potential representation as service, not politics.

He disclosed that he is already active in the district through personal initiatives, including sponsoring District #10 to the semi-finals of the Montserrado County District Tournament where the district was defeated by star-studded District #6, providing scholarships to 10-12 students, assisting with road projects and preparing to launch a major sanitation campaign.

Responding to critics who see his philanthropy as vote-seeking, Taylor asserted: “Whether you do right or wrong, there will always be criticism. I know my people trust my work. We are supposed to have progression – even if it is 5%, 5%, 5%, but not recession.”

On Development Needs

According to Taylor, District #10 is in dire need of a functional district office, water, electricity, health services, security, and infrastructure.

He argued that while these services are central government responsibilities, a representative must lobby to make them easily accessible.

Acknowledging that the District Development Fund is limited, Taylor is of the conviction that his strategy will focus on proposal writing to attract external funding and properly channel Corporate Social Responsibility support from companies and hospitals operating within the district, including LoneStar Cell.

Inclusive Leadership

On his legislative style, Taylor, who has spent most of his career in the private sector, disclosed prioritizing inclusive governance.

“My first concern would be getting all hands on deck. After elections, there should be no opposition and no ruling party divide. We need to reach a place where after elections, everybody comes together. I may have 16 or 17 ideas, but someone may have one single idea that can change the life of our district.”

In his strategy, Taylor also placed youth at the center of his agenda, promising continuous support to the district’s sports teams and engagement programs to steer young people away from drugs and other vices.

“They are our future leaders. We have to direct them and ensure their paths are straight. When they go astray, it is on us,” he added.

BREWERVILLE, Montserrado County, Liberia, Oct. 12, 2026 — A prominent Liberian clergyman has backed growing calls for a “third lane” in the country’s politics ahead of the 2029 elections. He cautioned, however, that any new movement must offer genuine change rather than recycle familiar faces.

He said such moves were part of the reason ordinary citizens “still yearn for something else politically,” and he urged Liberians to be honest with themselves. “They must mean it when they say they want real change,” he said.

The bishop also said the credibility of any third force would depend on who leads it. “Liberians will not buy an empty third lane,” he said. “It can’t be a contest of political rivals who are dissatisfied with one another, or people who want revenge against one another or to fool one another.”

Instead, he called for “a new line-up of sincere and professional Liberians who are genuinely interested in promoting the political, economic, social and religious causes of the ordinary people.”

“UP and CDC are now brand names with big followings,” Brown said. “However, people are still politically thirsty.”

MONROVIA — Expelled Montserrado County District #10 Representative Yekehzie Kolubah has declared his intention to contest the presidency of Liberia, saying he wants to give suffering Liberians the opportunity to stand up for their rights and demand a fair share of the country’s resources.

By Edwin G. Genoway, Jr. edwin.genoway@frontpageafricaonline.com

Kolubah made the declaration at a press conference on Sunday, October 11 where he dismissed rumors that he had returned to Liberia to apologize to President Joseph Nyuma Boakai for his past criticism of the presidency.

Instead, the outspoken lawmaker announced that he was preparing to enter the presidential race, presenting himself as a political alternative for Liberians who, he said, have suffered for too long under greedy and selfish politicians.

“I never came back to Liberia to beg Mr. Boakai, as it is being carried and reported by the media and on street corners. I called this press conference to announce my intention to contest the presidency of Liberia,” Kolubah said.

“From now on, I will be a political leader, and I will continue to treat President Boakai as my colleague by calling him Mr. Boakai, but not to insult him again,” he added.
Kolubah’s declaration signals a new chapter in his political career, as he seeks to move beyond his role as a lawmaker and position himself for the country’s highest office.

He argued that Liberians continue to suffer while politicians accused of putting their personal interests first benefit from the country’s wealth.

According to Kolubah, his decision to contest the presidency is aimed at ensuring that ordinary citizens have a greater opportunity to benefit from Liberia’s natural resources and national wealth.

He said Liberians should no longer remain silent while their resources are “looted” by what he described as “hungry politicians.”

Kolubah did not present detailed policy proposals during the remarks provided, but he framed his presidential ambition around the need for fairness, accountability and improved conditions for ordinary citizens.
Kolubah also firmly rejected reports that he intended to apologize to President Boakai, insisting that he had done nothing wrong to warrant an apology.

He claimed that his disagreement was not with the President personally but with the President’s wife, adding that the rumors about an apology did not reflect his position.

“I will not apologize, as it is being rumored,” Kolubah said.

He further stated that he would continue to address Boakai as a colleague rather than use insulting language against him, suggesting a change in how he intends to conduct his political criticism.

Kolubah also expressed disappointment in some members of the opposition bloc, accusing them of contributing to division among opposition politicians instead of building unity around issues affecting the Liberian people.

His criticism comes as opposition figures continue to face the challenge of organizing themselves around common political goals.

Kolubah did not identify all the opposition members he was criticizing in the remarks provided.
The presidential hopeful also vowed to pursue accountability for alleged corruption and misuse of power under the Boakai administration.

He specifically mentioned Chief Justice Yamie Quiqui Gbeisay, whom he accused of corruption and misuse of power. Kolubah indicated that he wanted accountability for such alleged misconduct.

Kolubah’s declaration places his presidential ambition at the center of his next political move. He is now presenting himself as a potential contender for the presidency rather than limiting his political role to his former position in the House of Representatives.

Koluba wants Liberians to demand accountability, defend their rights and receive a fair share of the country’s resources.

It remains unclear by critics who viewed his presidential ambition that could not translate into a formal candidacy and a detailed national platform remains to be seen.

For now, Kolubah has publicly announced his intention to seek Liberia’s highest office and signaled that his political fight with the current administration is far from over.

Five political parties – the ANC, CDC, ALP, CMC and NDC – are reviewing a draft action agenda on women’s priorities in healthcare, agriculture, farm-to-market access and trade. The agenda, developed by Sister Aid Liberia with NIMD support, will guide the parties’ legislative advocacy through their caucuses once validated.

Monrovia – Five of Liberia’s political parties are meeting in Monrovia today to review and validate a draft action agenda aimed at putting women’s priorities at the center of party commitments and legislative advocacy.

The daylong session, organized by Sister Aid Liberia (SALI) with support from the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy (NIMD), is taking place at the Platinum International Hotel in Congo Town from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m.

SALI is a women-led national non-governmental organization based in Monrovia and Paynesville, dedicated to advancing women’s rights, political inclusion and leadership capacity building.

The session is part of a project titled “From Dialogue to Action: Advancing Women’s Priority through Political Accountability and Legislative Engagement,” which seeks to push parties to adopt women’s concerns as formal commitments and to hold them accountable for following through.

Ahead of today’s validation, SALI held separate dialogues with the Alternative National Congress (ANC), the Congress for Democratic Change (CDC), the All Liberian Party (ALP), the Citizen Movement for Change (CMC), and the National Democratic Coalition (NDC). Those discussions focused on women’s priorities in healthcare, agriculture, farm-to-market access, and trade. Consultants then used the information gathered to draft the agenda now before participants.

Once validated, the document is expected to serve as a working tool to guide the parties’ legislative advocacy through their respective caucuses.

Building on earlier dialogue

Today’s meeting follows a broader multi-stakeholder forum held under the same theme. On June 19, SALI brought together lawmakers, government officials, political parties, development partners, civil society groups, women’s leaders and technical experts in Monrovia to identify policy and legislative responses to issues affecting women. A key result of that forum was a national action agenda meant to serve as an advocacy framework for engaging the country’s political leadership. At that gathering, Agriculture Minister Dr. Alexander Nuetah stressed that lasting progress in the sector depends on empowering women.

The SALI initiative is one of a string of cross-party dialogues NIMD has backed since it began working in Liberia in January 2024, with a focus on increasing women’s and youth participation in politics and decision-making.

In April 2025, ahead of the Nimba County senatorial by-election, NIMD brought together 17 youth representatives from the youth wings of six registered parties, including the ALP, CDC and NDC, and the young politicians signed a peace pact committing to promote peaceful messages before, during and after the vote. In February this year, an inter-party youth dialogue organized with the Federation of Liberian Youth drew 22 youth leaders from more than 10 parties represented in the Legislature. Most recently, on September 28, youth wing representatives met to discuss electoral reform, temporary special measures and inclusive representation.

SALI has also worked to rebuild cross-party solidarity among women politicians. Earlier this year, about 25 members of the revived Coalition of Political Parties Women in Liberia met in a push to set aside party differences and work toward better representation for women. “The men will not do this,” SALI acting executive director Amelia Siah Siaffa said at the time. “Women have to demand the space.”

A persistent gap

The push comes as women remain sharply underrepresented in Liberia’s Legislature. Women won just 10.7 percent of legislative seats in the 2023 election, lower than two decades ago. In the Senate, women hold just two of 30 seats.

Voluntary pledges have largely failed to close the gap. In May 2023, the National Elections Commission signed a memorandum of understanding with 25 parties and coalitions committing them to field at least 30 percent women candidates. Only two smaller parties, the Transformation Party and the Reformers National Congress, met that threshold.

Advocates are now looking to the Legislature. The House of Representatives has passed an electoral reform bill that would require parties to put at least 30 percent women on their candidate lists for legislative elections, but the measure has been in the Senate since May. Women’s groups have warned that a provision in the bill would still let the Elections Commission accept a party’s list if it shows “good cause” that it could not meet the threshold despite its best efforts.

Organizers hope the validated action agenda will give party caucuses a shared reference point for pressing women’s issues on Capitol Hill as the country looks ahead to the 2029 elections.

MONROVIA — In Liberian public life, a man’s word is currency, and a man’s oath is something close to a mortgage on his name. Yekeh Kolubah took out a heavy one. Now, with a press conference set for October 11, the expelled lawmaker is being asked whether he is about to default.

By Selma Lomax, selma.lomax@frontpageafricaonline.com 

‘The Street General’

Long before he held a legislative seat, Kolubah was a man of the street. His brand was never polish. It was volume, defiance and the ability to put a crowd where he wanted it. Politicians courted him for that reason, and none more usefully than Joseph Boakai.

By Kolubah’s own telling, the call came from Boakai’s farm. Former President George Weah was about to announce a political movement, and Boakai wanted the street answered. “Yekeh, you need to get into the streets,” Kolubah recalls being told. He says he went, and in 2023 he helped carry Boakai and the Unity Party past Weah.

Then, he says, the favor was forgotten. “Today, they have turned around and made me their enemy,” he complained in remarks he made while still in the House. He claimed that people who had worked with him were told to “go and support Joseph Boakai,” and he asked a question that has hung over the feud ever since: “Does President Joseph Boakai even know my true value?”

A quick turn

The honeymoon was short. Within four months of the new government taking office, Kolubah had become one of its loudest critics, accusing it of failing to fight corruption and repeating the vices it had condemned under Weah. The ruling establishment came to see him as a nemesis. The opposition, especially members of Weah’s Congress for Democratic Change, embraced him.

He then did something few expected: he publicly apologized to Weah, saying he had not known Boakai was “more corrupt.” He promised to help ensure that Boakai and the Unity Party do not win in 2029. It was the language of a man not just leaving a political marriage but burning the house down behind him.

April 17

Almost three years into his second term, the House voted. On April 17, 2026, 49 lawmakers expelled Kolubah, following controversy over remarks attributed to him about the Liberia-Guinea border dispute. It remains one of the most debated decisions of the 55th Legislature.

For Kolubah, the explanation was never about a border. He blamed Boakai for using the Legislature to engineer his removal, and the opposition backed that reading, calling it punishment for criticizing the presidency. Government officials rejected it flatly, saying he was removed for wrongdoing. Kolubah took the fight to the Supreme Court, where the full bench has yet to rule and his District 10 seat remains vacant.

The word “delete”

Expulsion did not soften him. After appearing before the Supreme Court on April 29, he told reporters he would “delete” President Boakai. He never said what he meant or what he planned to do. He also called Boakai and Vice President Jeremiah Koung “former leaders,” as though the offices had already changed hands.

Then he went on the road. He toured almost all of Liberia’s 15 counties, and along the way he was widely reported to have sworn the oath that now defines the story: that the day he reconciles with Boakai, it is he who killed his mother. The exact wording has circulated in different versions, but the weight of it is not in dispute. In Liberian culture, few vows go deeper.

The turn

Then, three weeks before his announced return, a Facebook post from his media consultant said the former lawmaker was set to reconcile with the President. It cited his frustration with the “disintegration and unseriousness” of the opposition. His PRO, Samson Moseray, reportedly confirmed that a meeting with Boakai was being planned, saying Kolubah had chosen to “mend fences and put Liberia first.”

Kolubah fed the speculation by promising to return to the country on October 10 and address the media. It was classic Kolubah: a date, a stage and a mystery.

Two interviews, two moods

His two interviews this week offered very different readings. On Sunday, the Spoon TV show asked him bluntly whether he was coming home to beg the President for forgiveness. Kolubah’s opening line was that he regrets his relationship with Boakai. Peacemakers rarely begin that way, and that there was little softening as the conversation went on. On the border dispute, Kolubah did not retreat, maintaining that the land Liberia occupies belongs to Guinea.

On Tuesday, before appearing on OK FM’s Morning Rush, he posted his message. “There is nothing wrong with reconciliation,” it began. It spoke of division as one of the reasons the country remains where it is, of healthcare, roads, infrastructure and education, and of choosing “peace, dialogue, and national development over division.” It did not name Boakai.

On the program, host Clarence Jackson asked whether he was ready to reconcile with the President. “Anything is possible in this world,” Kolubah said. Asked about the oath, he deflected: “Wait for the press conference on Sunday, October 11, and see the outcome.”

Nothing is settled. No agreement has been made public, and the President has not given his account of any talks. All that is known is that on October 11, Kolubah has promised to speak.

Liberians who have watched him for years know better than to bet on the obvious. This is a man who has been an ally, a critic, an exile from his own seat and a mystery, sometimes within the same year. Whether Sunday brings a handshake, a new fight or a surprise nobody has predicted, the oath is the part the country will remember.

MONROVIA – Liberian politics has no shortage of dramatic turnarounds, but few would have raised eyebrows like this one. Yekeh Kolubah, the outspoken former Montserrado County District 10 representative, was said to be preparing to sit down with President Joseph Boakai, the leader he backed in 2023 and later turned on.

By Selma Lomax, selma.lomax@frontpageafricaonline.com 

The rumor ran for days. Then Kolubah went on air and, intentionally or not, poured cold water on it.

A Rumor with Official Fingerprints

The talk did not come from nowhere. It began with a Facebook post by Kolubah’s own media consultant, which said the former lawmaker was ready to reconcile with the President. The post blamed his frustration on what the office called the “disintegration and unseriousness” of the opposition.

His PRO, Samson Moseray, reportedly backed it up. A meeting with the President was being arranged, he said, and Kolubah had chosen to “mend fences and put Liberia first.”

Kolubah himself added fuel. He has repeatedly said he will return to Liberia on October 10 to address the media on the matter. For a politician known for theatrical announcements, that was enough to convince many that something big was coming.

Sunday Night on Spoon TV

On Sunday, the Spoon Show gave him the chance to settle the question. The host asked bluntly whether he was coming home to “beg the president for forgiveness.” Kolubah’s opening line was that he regrets his relationship with President Boakai. Peacemakers rarely start that way. Expressing regret over a past association is the language of someone closing a chapter, not reopening it. And as the conversation went on, there was little sign of the softening one would expect from a man about to extend a hand.

The Statement That Started It All

To understand why reconciliation looks so hard, one has to go back to April 17, 2026, when 49 lawmakers voted to expel Kolubah from the House of Representatives. The move followed uproar over remarks attributed to him about the Liberia–Guinea border dispute. It remains one of the most debated decisions of the 55th Legislature.

On Spoon TV, the host pressed him on the subject. Kolubah held his ground and maintained that the land Liberia occupies belongs to Guinea.

In other words, the position that cost him his seat is one he has just repeated in public. It is hard to picture a reconciliation that leaves that issue untouched. If Kolubah has not changed his view, and his words suggest he has not, then the cause of the breakup has not gone away. It has simply been restated.

An Oath That Raises the Stakes

The most dramatic piece of the puzzle is a pledge Kolubah is reported to have made. According to those accounts, he has said that the day he reconciles with President Boakai, it will be him who killed his mother.

Whatever one makes of the rhetoric, the vow changes the calculation. Most political disputes can be patched up with a communiqué, a handshake, or a quiet word from respected elders. A promise that invokes a mother’s memory is different. Breaking it would hand his opponents a weapon they could use for years. For a figure who has built his brand on defiance, it could cost more than any seat in the Legislature.

Weariness With Allies, not a Change of Heart

Since his expulsion, Kolubah has toured the country alongside the opposition and spoken harshly of the government. His camp’s recent message about the opposition’s disintegration points to growing disillusionment with that coalition.

That could explain why the reconciliation story gained traction. A politician who feels let down by his allies might start looking for a way out. But there is a difference between being fed up with friends and warming to a former benefactor turned adversary. So far, nothing Kolubah has said publicly suggests he has made that leap.

The Empty Chair in District 10

The saga also unfolds against a constitutional backdrop that critics say is being ignored. Article 37 of the 1986 Constitution says that when a legislative seat falls vacant through death, resignation, expulsion or otherwise, the presiding officer must notify the National Elections Commission within 30 days. The Commission must then hold a by-election within 90 days, unless general elections fall within that window.

Nearly 170 days have passed since the expulsion. Commentators say no replacement has been chosen and that the presiding officer, Speaker Richard Nagbe Koon, has apparently not notified the Commission. For residents of District 10, that means months without a voice in the House. Some observers suspect the vacancy may be part of the political bargaining, a seat left open while the larger drama plays out.

There are reasons to take the reconciliation talk seriously. It came from Kolubah’s own office. It was framed around national interest. Kolubah has a history with the Unity Party, and the October 10 media address suggests an announcement of some kind is on the way.

But the case against is stronger. He opened his Spoon TV interview with regret over his relationship with the President. He has refused to retreat on the border claim. He has reportedly bound himself with a deeply personal vow. And every grievance that produced the split remains in place.

The most likely outcome, if anything happens at all, is something smaller than a true reconciliation: a conversation framed around peace and national unity, with neither side conceding much. A full return to the President’s camp would require Kolubah to unsay nearly everything he said on Sunday night.

On October 10, the country will find out which Kolubah steps off the plane: the peacemaker his office has described or the combatant who spoke on Spoon TV. For now, his own words are the best evidence available, and they point firmly toward no.

MONROVIA – Nobody in Grand Bassa politics is calling it a campaign yet. The next general election is still years away, and no one with a stake in the outcome has made a formal announcement. Yet on Monday, October 5, a single radio interview made it hard to pretend that the maneuvering had not started.

By Obediah Johnson

Senator Gbehnzohngar Findley, a guest on OK FM 99.5’s Morning Rush Show, talked at length about the county’s political future. The woman he spoke about most warmly was not his Senate colleague, Pro Tempore Nyonblee Karnga Lawrence, but former Commerce Minister Magdalene Dagoseh.

The Minister Who Wants a Senate Seat

Madam Dagoseh’s story is where the tension begins. She lost her post at the Ministry of Commerce when President Joseph Nyuma Boakai dismissed her, after she expressed a desire to contest the senatorial seat in Grand Bassa.

Critics of Pro Tempore Lawrence accuse her of having masterminded the dismissal. That claim is an allegation, not an established fact, and the account here does not include any response from the Pro Tempore. But it has traveled widely enough to shape how many Bassa residents see the two women, one as a political casualty and the other as a powerful figure suspected of protecting her turf.

A Senator Who Shows Up

While that allegation circulates, Findley has been seen with Madam Dagoseh repeatedly. He has appeared alongside her at groundbreakings and at activities and programs she has organized across the county.

In a place where roads, schools and clinics are the language of political loyalty, these appearances speak loudly. The result, by the account of observers, is intense rivalry between supporters of the two senators, each camp reading the other’s moves as a warning.

Admiration, Plainly Stated

On the radio, Findley did not hide his regard. His relationship with Dagoseh, he said, differs from the one he has with the Pro Tempore. They go back a long way, have worked together on one or two things, and she has been a strong advocate. “I admire Magdalene,” he said.

Asked about the bigger picture, he promised that his political support would be made very clear before the end of the year. He said he is working toward that, but also noted that since he knows everyone who is running, he needs a clearer direction before choosing.

The Silence from the Pro Tempore

Perhaps the most pointed part of the interview concerned what Findley has not heard. Lawrence, he said, has not told him whether she will contest the Senate again in 2029. He does not know if she has announced it publicly, and privately he knows nothing either.

He, meanwhile, has been talking to others. He said he has held private conversations with Madam Dagoseh, Senator Jonathan Kaipay and Gabriel Montgomery, all of whom, according to him, have expressed interest in the seat, privately and publicly.

The contrast was clear. Potential challengers are knocking on Findley’s door. The incumbent Pro Tempore, in his telling, is not.

A Ledger of Grievances

Findley’s remarks about Lawrence were not purely about the future. He recalled that she backed former Senator Kaipay over him in the 2017 elections. Even so, he said, if she thinks she needs his support to win re-election, she should approach him.

He added that neither Lawrence nor any senior member of her Liberty Party has backed him politically, in Grand Bassa or nationally. And the party, he said, did not invite him to its most recent political gathering in the county.

None of this was delivered as an attack. It was delivered as a record, and in politics a record of slights is often the first draft of a negotiating position.

The Conditions for His Backing

Findley was equally clear about what he will look for in a candidate. He promised guidelines for his support of those seeking elected office in Grand

Bassa and elsewhere in Liberia. Anyone who stays loyal to the agenda of his political movement, which aims to improve citizens’ lives and develop the county, can expect his backing.

His priorities were concrete: young people in Bassa who are educated, trained and ready for jobs, and a leader willing to fight to bring companies and investment to the county. Whoever wants his endorsement will have to speak that language convincingly.

The Independent Who Must Choose a Home

Findley’s own path is part of the puzzle. He quit the ruling Unity Party and supported the Coalition for Democratic Change of then-President George Weah in the 2017 elections. In 2023, he won his Senate seat as an independent.

He is now unsure where he belongs. He has not decided between rejoining the Unity Party and joining the opposition, and he has not ruled out starting a party of his own. He credits his supporters, not himself, for his Senate seat, and says he must consult them. A convention later this year will settle his next move.

That means a double announcement is coming before the year ends: his chosen candidate and his own political direction. Both will be watched closely in Monrovia as well as Bassa.

Capitol Hill, October 15

The first public test is near. Senators return to Capitol Hill on October 15, and some predict a display of political supremacy and administrative control inside the chamber. Whoever shows strength there may find it

easier to win over Grand Bassa citizens, whether for Lawrence’s re-election or for the candidate Findley eventually supports.

The Senate floor is not a campaign rally, but in an off-year it can serve as one. Committee positions, procedural fights and public statements all send signals back home.

The Cost to Ordinary Bassa Residents

Behind the political theater is a practical fear. People worry that a standoff between the two senators could cost Grand Bassa its fair share of development and other benefits. County projects often depend on cooperation between legislators. When that cooperation breaks down, communities pay the price in delayed roads, stalled investments and missed opportunities.

For voters, the lesson of this early skirmish may be to look past the praise and the grievances and ask what each leader is delivering.

Lawrence has not publicly addressed her plans. Dagoseh, Kaipay and Montgomery are said to be weighing theirs. Findley has promised clarity by December. The Senate meets in ten days.

For now, the rivalry remains one of hints rather than declarations. But in Grand Bassa, hints have a way of becoming candidacies.

GBARNGA, Bong County – A senior Liberian government official from Bong County says the opposition Coalition for Democratic Change (CDC) has a realistic chance of winning the county in the next presidential election, arguing that divisions inside the governing Unity Party (UP) could prevent it from consolidating support.

By Selma Lomax, selma.lomax@frontpageafricaonline.com 

William B. S. Kollie, Liberia’s National Traditional Liaison Officer and a native of Bong, said the CDC cannot be written off in the county,

particularly if it keeps its own house in order and strengthens ties with local political actors. “The CDC still has the potential to win Bong because the party has settled some of the differences that affected its performance. If the Unity Party remains divided, the CDC can take advantage of that situation,” Mr. Kollie said.

A county that changes allegiance

Mr. Kollie’s argument rests on Bong’s voting history over the past two decades, in which the county has moved from being a stronghold of former President Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf and the Unity Party to being an important base for former President George Weah and the CDC.

In 2005, Mrs. Johnson-Sirleaf defeated Mr. Weah decisively in Bong in the runoff, despite finishing third in the county in the first round. In 2011, she won 83.45 percent of the county’s runoff vote. In 2017, the pattern reversed, with Mr. Weah taking about 64.2 percent against Joseph Boakai’s 35.8 percent.

In 2023, Mr. Weah carried Bong again, but by a much smaller margin. He received 72,159 votes (52.92 percent) to Mr. Boakai’s 64,194 (47.08 percent), a lead of 7,965 votes, or 5.84 percentage points.

Mr. Kollie said the 2023 result should not be read as the CDC losing relevance in Bong. In his view, it shows the party retains a substantial base that could prove decisive if the Unity Party fails to resolve its differences.

“Bong politics is not permanently owned by any political party. We have seen this county move from the Unity Party to the CDC, and the party that organizes its people and builds stronger local relationships will have an advantage,” he said.

Mr. Kollie said the CDC has addressed some of the internal differences that, in his assessment, contributed to its underperformance in parts of Bong during the 2023 election period.

He pointed to the political importance of former Vice President Jewel Howard-Taylor, a Bong native, saying that having a major county figure on the CDC ticket had given the party an important link to voters there. He argued that the party’s ability to settle differences among its actors could make it more competitive going forward.

Funeral turnout as a political signal

Mr. Kollie also cited the funeral of Philip Taylor, son of Mrs. Howard-Taylor, as evidence of continuing ties between the CDC, the National Patriotic Party (NPP) and parts of the Bong population.

He said the ceremony in Gbarnga drew significant public attention even though Mr. Taylor was not a prominent political figure in the county. According to Mr. Kollie, residents, particularly CDC and NPP supporters, turned out along the route from the Old Iron Gate to the Gbarnga Administration Building to pay their respects. He said this showed that structures associated with both parties remain active in Bong.

He contrasted this with the reception for the remains of former Bong Superintendent Dr. Ranney Banama Jackson, which arrived in Gbarnga on Friday ahead of funeral ceremonies. Mr. Kollie described the turnout as relatively poor, given Dr. Jackson’s long association with the county and his former role as superintendent.

He cautioned against reading the difference purely as a measure of the two men’s importance. It could also reflect changing political networks, he said, and the ability of political organizations to mobilize supporters around particular events. He suggested political actors in Bong should reflect on

shifting loyalties and the relationship between leaders and ordinary citizens.

Claims of Unity Party divisions

Mr. Kollie further claimed that the Unity Party faces serious internal divisions in Bong, which he believes could open political space for the CDC. He attributed part of the division to disagreements among party actors over political influence and access to county leadership.

He also pointed to allegations involving Bong County Superintendent Lorleyah Hawa Norris. According to Mr. Kollie, some political actors allege that Superintendent Norris has been empowering or giving political space to individuals associated with the opposition CDC.

Those allegations are contested. They are Mr. Kollie’s account of claims circulating among political actors and could not be independently verified. No response from Superintendent Norris or Unity Party leadership was available at the time of writing.

Mr. Kollie said the controversy could deepen disagreements within the UP if members believe individuals or institutions linked to the government are creating opportunities for opposition actors. He argued that a governing party needs a cohesive county-level structure to defend its support, particularly where presidential elections have produced large swings.

Why he sees an opening for the CDC

Mr. Kollie said the CDC could benefit from what he described as uncertainty within the Unity Party’s Bong structure, because the county’s electorate has shown it will change allegiance when it perceives weakness in a dominant organization.

He said the UP cannot assume its 2023 national victory automatically gives it a lasting advantage in the county. The CDC’s task, he said, is to consolidate its existing support, repair remaining internal differences and maintain relationships with influential communities and political actors across Bong.

Political organizations, he stressed, must do more than rely on national popularity. Clan relationships, personalities, local development records and grassroots organization can all determine how voters behave.