Human rights in West and Central Africa stand at a critical crossroads. While countries have adopted laws and established institutions to protect human rights, many people continue to face conflict, economic hardship, inequality, restrictions on civic space and environmental destruction. The gap between commitments and people’s everyday experiences raises an urgent question: How can Africa build a human rights system that responds to today’s challenges while preparing for the future?

This question will take center stage at the regional convening on Reimagining the Future of Human Rights in West and Central Africa, scheduled for 10–12 November 2026 in Cotonou, Benin. Approximately 70 participants from governments, regional institutions, civil society, academia, the private sector and development partners are expected to explore practical, African-led solutions to strengthen human rights, democratic governance, peace, justice and sustainable development.

The convening is part of a broader continental initiative to develop a future-fit African Human Rights Architecture, ensuring West and Central Africa’s experiences and priorities inform the continent’s thinking on the future of human rights governance.

Four themes, one shared agenda

Discussions will address four interconnected priorities: democratic governance, constitutionalism and civic space, including accountability, public participation and digital rights; peace, security and human rights, with a focus on conflict prevention, civilian protection and justice; human rights, economic governance and environmental justice, examining inequality, natural resource exploitation, climate change, pollution and the fair distribution of development benefits; and regional leadership and the future of Africa’s human rights architecture, exploring how continental and regional institutions, governments and civil society can strengthen cooperation, accountability and implementation.

Together, these themes recognize that human rights cannot be protected in isolation from the political, economic, environmental and security conditions shaping people’s lives.

Putting African experiences at the center

West and Central Africa bring important strengths to this conversation, including vibrant civil society movements, committed human rights defenders, youth leadership, Indigenous knowledge and longstanding traditions of dignity, justice and collective responsibility. Historical sources such as the Charter of Kurukan Fuga reflect African traditions that can inform contemporary thinking about rights and governance.

Yet, serious challenges remain. Communities affected by extractive industries and environmental degradation continue to raise concerns about participation, livelihoods, accountability and access to remedy. Restrictions on civic space can limit the ability of people to challenge abuses, while conflict and economic pressures place additional burdens on already vulnerable communities.

The convening will consider how human rights institutions and policies can respond more effectively to these realities. It will also emphasize gender equality, youth participation, disability inclusion, Indigenous peoples’ rights and environmental sustainability across all four themes.

The meaningful involvement of affected communities, civil society and human rights defenders will be essential to ensuring that the resulting priorities reflect people’s experiences—not only institutional perspectives.

From discussion to action

The meeting is expected to produce a Regional Outcome Statement, evidence-based policy recommendations, a regional synthesis report and priorities to inform the wider continental dialogue. Its recommendations will contribute to the development of a roadmap for a future-fit African Human Rights Architecture.

The event is being organized by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Regional Hub for Central and West Africa (OHCHR-RHCWA), the Open Society Foundations (OSF), the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) and the Network of African National Human Rights Institutions (NANHRI).

The organizers envisage follow-up work to promote implementation, monitor progress, document lessons and strengthen cooperation among regional institutions, governments, civil society and other partners.

The convening supports the aspirations of the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ Strategic Plan for 2026–2028. It also offers an opportunity to inform the strategic priorities of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Regional Hub for Central and West Africa, based in Yaoundé, Cameroon.

Shaping a human rights future that works for Africans

Reimagining human rights requires more than adopting new declarations or reviewing existing institutions. It means confronting the reasons commitments are not fully implemented, identifying what needs to change and ensuring that institutions are accountable for delivering results.

It also means strengthening African ownership: regional priorities must be shaped by African institutions, communities, civil society and human rights defenders, with international partnerships supporting rather than displacing local leadership.

Ultimately, the success of the Cotonou convening will depend not on the number of recommendations adopted, but on whether those recommendations lead to stronger protection, greater accountability, meaningful public participation and tangible improvements in people’s lives.

The challenge is to move from shared concerns to shared priorities—and from shared priorities to sustained, African-led action.

Peter Quaqua is the head of Secretariat, Environmental Rights Africa (ERA) coalition.

Liberia’s History, Ethnic Relations, and the Responsibility of National Leaders

Introduction: Why I Am Raising This Concern

My concern about how Liberia’s history is presented to the public comes from my professional background in law enforcement, criminal investigation, criminal justice, and public safety.

By Charles E. King, contributing writer 

I have spent a considerable part of my professional life examining human behavior, the causes of conflict, the importance of evidence, and the circumstances under which disagreements can escalate into violence.

That experience has taught me an important lesson: Public disorder and violence do not always begin with weapons. Sometimes they begin with grievances, perceptions, accusations, mistrust, and the manner in which influential individuals communicate with the public.

For this reason, I am concerned about statements that present Liberia’s historical injustices in ways that may unintentionally encourage one community to blame another for the suffering of previous generations.

My concern was renewed by remarks attributed to former President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf concerning the prolonged political and economic exclusion of Liberia’s indigenous majority

under earlier governments,

According to a report published by FrontPage Africa, Sirleaf connected this exclusion to the resentment that contributed to the military coup of 1980 and the civil wars that followed.

She stated:
“Exclusion breeds resentment. Resentment bred the problems of 1980.”

I do not dispute that exclusion occurred. Neither do I suggest that the injustices experienced by many Liberians under earlier governments should be concealed or minimized.

while delivering the keynote address at a Governance

Commission symposium on good governance in Monrovia.

My concern is different.

When we explain Liberia’s history primarily as the oppression of indigenous Liberians by Americo-Liberians, without also explaining the history of oppression among and within Liberia’s ethnic communities before the republic was established, are we giving the public the complete historical understanding necessary for national reconciliation?

And, from a public-safety standpoint, could such an incomplete account encourage resentment toward Americo-Liberians as a population rather than responsibility being assigned to particular governments, rulers, and individuals?

These questions deserve careful examination.

1. The Difference Between Historical Truth and Historical Completeness

A statement can contain historical truth while still presenting an incomplete picture.

It is historically appropriate to examine the concentration of political and economic power under governments dominated by Americo-Liberian elites.

However, Liberia’s history of inequality, enslavement, domination, and abuse of authority did not begin with the arrival of African-American settlers in the nineteenth century.

Dr. C. Patrick Burrowes makes this point in his book, Liberia and the Quest for Freedom: The Half That Has Never Been Told.

Burrowes challenges the practice of beginning Liberia’s history with the arrival of the repatriates while giving insufficient attention to the earlier history of the people and societies already occupying the territory.

His research documents slave trading, kidnapping, political domination, exploitation, and conflict among and within communities long before the founding of the Liberian republic.

That earlier history is essential to understanding the origins of some of the mistrust that later affected relations among Liberians.

If we omit this earlier history, the public may be left with the impression that the oppression of Liberians began with Americo-Liberians and that Americo-Liberians alone bear responsibility for the country’s historical divisions.

Such a conclusion would be incomplete.

2. Burrowes Identifies Particular Ethnic Communities Involved in the Slave Trade

One reason I consider Burrowes’ work especially valuable is that he does not treat all African communities as though they shared one identical historical experience.

He identifies particular rulers, trading networks, communities, and victims.

On pages 13–18 of his book, Burrowes describes slave-trading activities involving rulers and networks associated with the Vai communities along the Gallinas River.

He identifies Siaka of Gendama, head of the Massaquoi family, as a central figure in a trading network involving traditional rulers and European slave traders.

Burrowes also identifies kidnappers associated with coastal Vai, Bassa, Kru, and Grebo communities, as well as Manding and Fula raiders operating from the north.

He explains that interior communities were vulnerable to raids from different directions.

Among the communities he identifies as suffering substantial losses were the Gola, Dei, Mende, Bandi, Loma, Kpelle, Ma, and Dan.

These historical details are important.

They demonstrate that the experiences of the people living in the territory that became Liberia were not uniform.

Some individuals participated in capturing and selling others. Some were victims. Some communities experienced both situations at different times.

Identifying these historical activities does not make every Vai, Bassa, Kru, Grebo, Manding, or Fula person responsible for slave trading.

Neither does identifying communities that suffered losses mean that every member of those communities was exclusively a victim.

The same standard must apply when discussing Americo-Liberians.

We must identify the historical actors responsible for wrongdoing without assigning inherited guilt to everyone who shares their ethnic or social identity.

That is a principle of fairness and historical accuracy.
It is also consistent with the principles of criminal justice.
3. Oppression Also Occurred Within the Same Ethnic Communities
There is another important aspect of Liberia’s early history that deserves greater public attention.

Oppression did not occur only between different ethnic communities.

Burrowes documents situations in which powerful rulers exploited members of their own communities.

On pages 16–17, he explains that some rulers sold members of their own societies into slavery. In certain situations, accusations of witchcraft or adultery were used to justify enslavement.

The poor, vulnerable, and politically powerless could become victims of people who exercised authority over them.

Burrowes describes how Gola customary law could permit men accused of adultery under particular circumstances to be sold into slavery.

He also recounts an incident from Gola traditional history involving Chief Zolu Duma.

According to that tradition, Chief Zolu Duma enticed a group of girls associated with the Sande school aboard a slave ship under the pretense that they would dance for the crew. The account states that he had already arranged their sale.

Because this is presented as traditional history, its details should be described with that qualification.

Nevertheless, its significance within Burrowes’ historical argument is clear.

Some people who possessed political or traditional authority could use that authority to exploit the very people they were expected to protect.

This is important because it demonstrates that the abuse of power existed within certain African societies before the establishment of the Liberian republic.

It would be historically misleading to describe these societies as though all their members enjoyed equal power or protection.

At the same time, we must recognize that African political systems varied considerably. Not every ruler possessed unrestricted authority, and not every community followed the same practices.

The point is not to condemn traditional institutions generally.
It is to acknowledge the historical evidence of inequality and abuse wherever it occurred. 4. Burrowes’ Warning About Mistrust and Ethnic Division

One of Burrowes’ most important observations appears in his discussion of the continuing legacy of the slave trade.

On page 84, he writes:
“The slave trade did not create ‘tribalism,’ but it helped to enflame it.”

He explains that the capture and sale of human beings encouraged betrayal, suspicion, and mistrust.

Communities feared neighboring communities.
People could be kidnapped while traveling or working away from their homes.

In some cases, communities protected their own members while failing to condemn wrongdoing against outsiders.

Burrowes also describes how divisions developed within language groups, as neighboring settlements turned against one another.

This history is significant because it suggests that certain forms of mistrust and intercommunity hostility existed before the establishment of the republic.

These historical divisions cannot simply be attributed to Americo-Liberian political dominance.

Nor should we assume that every modern ethnic grievance is a direct inheritance from the slave trade.

Later political decisions, unequal treatment, personal experiences, and armed conflicts also contributed to Liberia’s divisions.

Nevertheless, Burrowes provides a compelling reason to examine the country’s earlier history before drawing conclusions about the origins of its ethnic mistrust.

5. The Lott Carey Example: What Happens When Crucial Facts Are Omitted

Burrowes provides an example that is particularly relevant to my concern about public communication.

On page 2 of his book, he discusses an account of Lott Carey, one of Liberia’s early African- American settlers.

Burrowes refers to a portrayal attributed to Dew Tuan Wleh Mayson in which Carey’s death in a gunpowder explosion was described as deserved because the gunpowder supposedly would have been used against native Africans.

But Burrowes identifies a crucial missing fact.

Carey was preparing to defend the settlement against slave catchers.

That information substantially changes the meaning of the event.

Without it, listeners might conclude that Carey was preparing to attack African people because they were African.

With it, the incident must be understood in the context of defending against slave-catching activity.

Burrowes’ passage does not itself establish that Carey fired a cannon at indigenous Africans. The distinction between preparing gunpowder and actually firing a cannon must be preserved.

From my criminal investigation background, this example is especially instructive.

Imagine an investigator receiving information that an armed individual was preparing to use weapons against another group.

Before reaching a conclusion, the investigator would need to establish the circumstances. Was the person preparing an unprovoked attack?
Was the person defending others?
Was there an immediate threat?

Who were the intended targets?

What evidence supports the allegations?

These questions can completely change the interpretation of the conduct.

Historical accounts deserve the same care.

When essential facts are omitted, the public may form conclusions that are inconsistent with the fuller evidence.

And when those conclusions concern ethnic identity, the consequences may extend beyond misunderstanding into resentment and collective blame.

I am not claiming, without further documentation, that the Lott Carey account caused a particular episode of ethnic violence.

I am identifying the danger illustrated by the omission.

6. The Americo-Liberian Period Must Be Examined Without Collective Condemnation

The fact that oppression existed before the founding of Liberia does not excuse the political inequalities that developed under later governments.

The historical exclusion of many indigenous Liberians from full political participation deserves serious examination.

Governments must be accountable for the institutions they create and the rights they deny.

But there is a fundamental difference between examining an unequal political system and condemning an entire population.

Not every Americo-Liberian held political office.

Not every Americo-Liberian benefited equally from the governing system.

Some Americo-Liberians opposed abuses and worked for reform.

Burrowes also describes cooperation between repatriates and African communities in resisting slavery.

These facts should form part of the historical record.

If we teach only domination and omit cooperation, we deny future generations an opportunity to understand how Liberians from different backgrounds also worked together.

The purpose of history should be to identify wrongdoing accurately, not to create permanent categories of oppressors and victims based on ancestry.

7. The Samuel Doe Government Demonstrates That Ethnic Oppression Did Not End in 1980

The events following the military coup of April 12, 1980, provide another important historical lesson.

Samuel Kanyon Doe, a member of the Krahn ethnic community, became Liberia’s leader after the overthrow of President William R. Tolbert Jr.

The coup ended the political dominance of the True Whig Party.

However, the replacement of the former political establishment did not eliminate inequality, repression, or ethnic favoritism.

During Doe’s government, members of his Krahn community gained disproportionate influence in important political and security institutions.

Following the unsuccessful coup attempt led by Thomas Quiwonkpa in November 1985, government forces carried out violent reprisals against members of the Gio (Dan) and Mano (Ma) communities, particularly in Nimba County.

These abuses were documented by human rights organizations.

During the civil war that followed, members of Krahn and Mandingo communities were also targeted by armed factions.

This history demonstrates that the abuse of political power cannot be understood exclusively as a conflict between Americo-Liberians and indigenous Liberians.

An indigenous-led government also practiced ethnic favoritism and persecuted members of other indigenous ethnic communities.

However, we must apply the same standard of responsibility consistently.
The crimes of Doe’s government should not be attributed to every Krahn person.

The crimes committed against Krahn and Mandingo civilians by armed factions should not be attributed to every Gio or Mano person.

Responsibility belongs to those who ordered, organized, assisted, or committed particular abuses. This is precisely why collective blame is dangerous.

When one community is treated as responsible for the crimes of its leaders, innocent people become vulnerable to retaliation.

8. The 1979 Rice Riots: A Historical Warning About Public Perception

Liberia’s Rice Riots of April 14, 1979, provide a particularly important example of the relationship between public perception, existing grievances, political communication, and public disorder.

During President Tolbert’s administration, the government considered increasing the price of rice.

The proposal generated widespread dissatisfaction.

There were also public allegations and perceptions that members of the Tolbert family or politically connected individuals would benefit financially.

Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission later discussed how those perceptions intensified public discontent.

The Commission also criticized the government’s failure to explain its proposed policy adequately and to address the growing dissatisfaction.

The Progressive Alliance of Liberia, led by Gabriel Baccus Matthews, organized opposition to the proposal.

A demonstration developed into serious disorder. Property was destroyed and looted.
Security forces fired on civilians.
People were killed and injured.

The lesson is not that a rumor alone caused the Rice Riots. The price proposal was real, economic grievances existed, political mobilization occurred, and the government’s response contributed substantially to the tragedy.

The lesson is broader.

Public perception, when combined with unresolved grievances, distrust, political mobilization, and failures of leadership, can become a significant factor in public disorder.

This is a lesson that law enforcement and public-safety professionals should not ignore.

9. Applying the Rice Riots Lesson to Historical Statements

The connection I draw between the Rice Riots and historical statements about Americo-Liberians concerns the influence of public perception.

In 1979, perceptions concerning who would benefit from a government policy contributed to growing public dissatisfaction.

When influential political figures discuss Liberia’s historical inequalities, audiences may similarly develop perceptions about which communities were responsible for their ancestors’ suffering.

If the discussion focuses exclusively on Americo-Liberian domination, while omitting earlier oppression among Vai, Bassa, Kru, Grebo, Gola, and other communities, as well as later abuses under Doe’s government, listeners may receive an incomplete understanding.

The risk is that historical responsibility may be transferred from particular leaders and institutions to an entire community.

That does not mean that Sirleaf’s remarks caused violence or that her intentions were hostile.

It means that public-safety professionals have reason to examine how such messages are interpreted, especially in societies where ethnic grievances remain unresolved.

The Rice Riots teach us that leaders should not dismiss the possible consequences of public perceptions merely because their own statements or policies have a legitimate basis.

10. Liberia’s Interrupted Education Makes Historical Communication Especially Important

Liberia’s civil conflicts, from 1989 to 2003, caused enormous disruption to education, families, public institutions, and community life.

Many Liberians experienced interrupted schooling, displacement, poverty, and the loss of educational opportunities.

I would not claim without reliable statistics that 90 percent of the population has received no formal education.

Nevertheless, the prolonged disruption of education is an important part of Liberia’s postwar experience.

When people have had limited access to formal historical education, they may have fewer opportunities to compare different historical accounts, examine documentary evidence, or identify omissions in public statements.

This does not mean they are unintelligent or incapable of independent judgment.

It means that leaders, educators, and public commentators should take particular care to provide adequate historical context.

In a society where oral communication, radio discussions, political speeches, and community conversations are important sources of information, the manner in which history is communicated deserves careful attention.

The responsibility of an influential speaker is not simply to repeat a historically accurate statement.

It is also to consider whether the statement, without adequate explanation, could create a misleading impression.

11. The Difference Between Criticizing a Government and Blaming a Community

This distinction lies at the center of my concern.

There is a difference between saying:

Certain Americo-Liberian-dominated governments maintained political systems that excluded many indigenous Liberians.

And saying:

Americo-Liberians oppressed indigenous Liberians.

The first identifies governments and political institutions.

The second may be interpreted as assigning responsibility to an entire population.

Likewise, there is a difference between saying:

Certain Vai rulers and trading networks participated in slave trading.

And saying:

The Vai were slave traders.

There is a difference between saying:

Doe’s government and particular security forces persecuted Gio and Mano civilians.

And saying:

The Krahn oppressed the Gio and Mano.

These distinctions are not merely academic.

They help prevent innocent people from being held responsible for the conduct of others who share their identity.

In criminal justice, we do not establish responsibility through ethnicity.

We examine conduct, evidence, circumstances, and the actions of identifiable individuals.

Our treatment of history should follow a similar principle.

12. Historical Communication as a Public-Safety Responsibility

My professional concern is that repeated messages of collective blame can contribute to conditions in which ethnic hostility becomes more acceptable.

The possible progression deserves attention.

First, a historical narrative repeatedly identifies one community with oppression.

Second, listeners begin to treat the wrongdoing of particular historical actors as the wrongdoing of an entire population.

Third, resentment develops or existing resentment becomes stronger. Fourth, stereotypes and hostile generalizations become normalized.

Finally, in the presence of political mobilization, threats, weak institutions, or other aggravating circumstances, hostility may contribute to intimidation or violence.

This is a potential risk pathway, not an automatic sequence.
It would be wrong to assume that every controversial historical statement will produce violence.

It would also be wrong to ignore the role that inflammatory narratives can play in environments already affected by mistrust.

Law enforcement professionals are trained to recognize risk factors before violence occurs. The purpose of prevention is not to wait until people are injured or property is destroyed.

It is to identify conditions that could contribute to disorder and encourage responsible action before those conditions deteriorate.

13. This Is Not an Argument for Suppressing Historical Truth

I want to make one point absolutely clear. I am not advocating censorship.

I am not suggesting that Liberians should stop discussing the exclusion of indigenous communities under Americo-Liberian-dominated governments.

I am not attempting to defend historical wrongdoing.

Nor am I arguing that the earlier participation of some African rulers in slavery somehow cancels or excuses injustices committed by later governments.

My argument is that historical truth must be presented with sufficient completeness to avoid creating new injustices through collective blame.

We should discuss the actions of Americo-Liberian political elites.
We should discuss the actions of particular Vai rulers and slave-trading networks.

We should examine the historical conduct of individuals associated with Bassa, Kru, Grebo, Manding, Fula, and other communities wherever reliable evidence supports doing so.

We should examine abuses within Gola society, including the examples presented by Burrowes.

We should examine the experiences of Gola, Dei, Mende, Bandi, Loma, Kpelle, Ma, and Dan communities that suffered from slave raiding.

We should examine the Doe government’s persecution of Gio and Mano civilians.

And we should examine the atrocities later committed against Krahn, Mandingo, and other civilians.

No community should be placed beyond historical examination.

Equally, no community should be collectively condemned for the actions of particular members.

14. What I Would Ask of Former President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf

My concern about Sirleaf’s remarks is not whether the political exclusion she described occurred.

The historical record supports serious criticism of inequalities under earlier Liberian governments.

My question concerns the completeness of the explanation when such history is presented to the public.

If we tell Liberians that exclusion produced resentment and contributed to the events of 1980, should we not also explain that the earlier history of the territory included exploitation, enslavement, and unequal political power among and within African communities?

Should we not explain that the overthrow of the Americo-Liberian-dominated political establishment did not eliminate ethnic oppression?

Should we not acknowledge that the Doe government, despite being led by an indigenous Liberian, also persecuted members of other indigenous communities?

And should we not explain that the country’s civil wars demonstrated the dangers of treating entire communities as enemies because of the actions of particular leaders or armed groups?

These questions are not intended to deny the suffering of any population.

They are intended to encourage a more complete understanding of how Liberia’s divisions developed.

It is also important to distinguish Sirleaf’s particular remarks from her entire record. A speech focusing on one historical period is not necessarily intended to provide a complete history of Liberia.

Nevertheless, when such statements are repeated or treated as comprehensive explanations, the omitted context deserves attention.

15. A Responsibility Shared by Historians, Political Leaders, Educators, and the Media

Responsible historical communication should not depend on political affiliation.

The same standard should apply to everyone.

Historians should identify their evidence and acknowledge uncertainty.

Political leaders should avoid language that transfers the wrongdoing of particular officials to entire populations.

Educators should explain the broader historical circumstances surrounding controversial events.

Journalists and radio presenters should distinguish documented facts from allegations, interpretations, and political claims.

Community leaders should discourage the use of history to justify present-day hostility.

And public-safety professionals should pay attention to threats, organized intimidation, dehumanizing language, and other observable warning signs of possible violence.

These responsibilities can be fulfilled without suppressing criticism, political disagreement, or the legitimate discussion of historical injustice.

16. The Lessons I Believe Liberia Must Teach Its Young People

The history of Liberia should help young people understand that:

1. Slavery, kidnapping, and exploitation existed in the region before the establishment of the Liberian republic.
2. Particular rulers and networks associated with identifiable ethnic communities participated in these activities, while other members of those communities suffered from them.
3. Some rulers exploited members of their own communities, demonstrating that domination was not confined to relationships between different ethnic groups.
4. Americo-Liberian-dominated governments maintained political inequalities that deserve honest historical examination.
5. The 1980 coup did not end the abuse of power, and the Doe government subsequently engaged in ethnic favoritism and persecution.
6. Liberia’s civil wars demonstrated the devastating consequences of ethnic targeting and retaliatory violence.
7. Historical responsibility must be based on evidence and identifiable conduct, not ancestry or ethnic identity.
8. The purpose of studying history should be to understand the past and prevent the repetition of injustice—not to teach new generations to hate one another.

Conclusion: Liberia Must Not Turn Historical Grievances Into Inherited Enmity

I return to the central concern that prompted this commentary.

Liberia has already paid an enormous price for political violence, ethnic mistrust, and the abuse of power.

We cannot afford to treat the public presentation of our history as a matter of little consequence.

Words do not automatically cause violence. Historical grievances must be discussed openly, and no government or community should be shielded from legitimate criticism.

But words can influence perceptions. Perceptions can affect attitudes.

And, under certain conditions, collective blame and hostile political mobilization can contribute to violence.

The events of April 14, 1979, demonstrate the importance of public perception, political communication, existing grievances, and responsible government action.

The history of Samuel Doe’s administration demonstrates that oppression can continue even after one ruling establishment has been replaced by another.

And the research of Dr. C. Patrick Burrowes reminds us that the roots of Liberia’s mistrust and inequality extend much further into the past than the establishment of the republic.

My concern, therefore, is not to determine which ethnic community deserves blame.
It is to insist that no community should inherit collective guilt for the wrongdoing of

particular rulers, governments, or individuals.

As a former law enforcement and criminal justice professional, I believe that accurate and responsible historical communication is not only an educational obligation.

It is also an important contribution to public safety, conflict prevention, and national reconciliation.

Liberia must teach its history truthfully, completely, and responsibly—not so that one community may stand in judgment of another, but so that future generations may recognize injustice, reject collective blame, and refuse to repeat the violence of the past.

That is the responsibility we owe to our history.
And, more importantly, it is the responsibility we owe to Liberia’s future generations.

Finally, the internet was buzzing with surprise and indignation about Former President statement. What I found most interesting and shows when those who knows better – those who are among the very family her statement refers –her own family members – not one of them dare say anything to her but remain silent, This is what we will pass on to the next generation – keep silent and smile and everything will be OK. No it will not, because the snake has not been buried, it will raise its ugly head again in the future, because we continue to deny the “Half That Was Never Told”.

Because if the masses knew, they would ask question. So, the technique is, anytime someone brings out the “Half that was never told, someone says – Keep it from the masses so their eyes do not open so wide!’

Kind Regards

Charles E. King, contributing, Former Deputy Director of Police for Criminal Investigation Affairs, Liberia National Police

Principal Historical References

• C. Patrick Burrowes, Liberia and the Quest for Freedom: The Half That Has Never Been Told (2019), particularly pp. 1–2, 13–18, 70–71, and 83–85.
• Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Liberia, Consolidated Final Report, discussion of the April 14, 1979 Rice Riots and Liberia’s political conflicts.
• Human Rights Watch / Africa Watch, reports on abuses under Samuel Doe and the Liberian civil war, 1990–1993.
• U.S. Department of State, historical country reports concerning the Doe administration and ethnic conflict.
• U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, memorandum dated April 27, 1979, concerning the Rice Riots.
• FrontPage Africa, report of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s remarks on exclusion, governance, and Liberia’s political history.

The answer can be found in his book, ‘Liberia Today & Tomorrow: Some Personal Reflections.’

By Senator Amara Konneh, contributing writer

1. He would probably share his insights on Liberia’s historical struggles (old Liberia vs. new Liberia) and leadership challenges. He would commend President Boakai for maintaining stability and fundamental rights, and for not targeting the opposition, as Dr. Kessely and other politicians of his era experienced in the 1980s.

Dr. Kessely would be pleased to see his party in power after winning a very close election through a strong coalition, and he would share his experience in maintaining political alliances through the lens of the Grand Coalition of the UP, LAP, and LUP back in the 1980s. He would remind his party how their main opposition (CDC) ignored members of its winning coalition and those who helped them win in 2017, which contributed to their 2023 loss.

2. He would also remind his party how exclusion and political marginalization of others fostered bad governance and corruption during his time, widening the inequality gaps between political elites, technocrats, residents of slums and ghost towns, and many underprivileged citizens. He would make hopeful calls for good governance, responsible citizenship, national unity, and development—showing deep concern for the country’s future and its unemployed youth amid ongoing challenges.

3. He would urge President Boakai to focus more on the economy and job creation for Liberians, likely highlighting his recent foreign policy successes with Liberia’s traditional partner, the U.S. He probably would advise him to embrace regional diplomacy more, especially with his three neighbors.

He might have attended recent events of other political parties in the UP’s governing coalition. He would expect those parties to join the UP’s event today and deliver messages to the nation.

4. Dr. Kessely would probably urge integrity, respect for the code of conduct during party rallies, and a collective effort towards progress and constructive change. He would warn of a vicious cycle of political governance where those in power repeat the mistakes of their predecessors.

5. Finally, Dr. Kessely would encourage Liberians (both at home and abroad) to foster genuine love for their country, avoid corrupt practices in governance, promote unity, and actively participate in building a better nation.

Congratulations to the ruling party on a strong showing in headcounts today, as it enters the midterm of its six-year term, akin to the CDC’s rallies when it was in power. I hope we can all get back to governance—hopefully better governance—beginning Monday and show the same or more progress in socioeconomic indicators and statistics, and in the number of families who are not struggling to meet their basic needs: the “bread and butter!” 

Fellow Liberians,

Liberia is a gift from God. The beauty of our land is matched only by the strength and beauty of our people. Yet today we must confront an uncomfortable truth: after 178 years, our nation is still not working for the majority of its citizens. And the evidence is all around us – look outside your window, walk the streets, visit our schools, or seek treatment in our hospitals – The truth is there for all to see.

By Dr. Clarence K. Moniba, contributing writer

For a country as rich as ours, we should not have people as poor as ours.

But this happens when your nation’s budget process rewards consumption over production, recurrent spending over investment, and political comfort over national development.

This must change.

If this government is serious about rebuilding Liberia, then the budget must reflect that seriousness. It must prioritize the sectors that build human capital: education, healthcare, agriculture, and security. These are the pillars on which every successful nation stands.

Imagine a Liberia where every child can read, where every hospital heals, where every farm feeds our people, and where every community lives in safety from criminals. That is the Liberia we must begin to build today and build together. And it is possible. Let us abandon the mindset that Liberia will never change. It can, and it will change.

If other nations can do it, then so can we.
Rwanda, despite a far more devastating civil war than ours, has transformed and is now a model of stability and efficiency. Ghana, a nation once decades behind us, is now decades ahead of us.

But, with budgets that prioritize government over people, we will continue to remain way behind the countries that are way behind.

No country can grow when its youth are unskilled, unsupported, or unemployed.

Consider the numbers: the combined allocations for Bong Technical College, Grand Gedeh Community College, Kakata Teacher Training Institute, Bassa Community College, Grand Kru Community College, Pleebo Technical College, Nimba Community College, Sinoe Community College, River Gee Technical College, Zorzor Teacher Training, and Lofa Community College amount to less than 10 million dollars – for tens of thousands of students across Liberia.

Meanwhile, 103 lawmakers and their staff receive over 50 million dollars in salaries and benefits.

This must change.

We spend 200,000 dollars on Maryland Vocational Training Institute, and 500,000 dollars on scratch cards for officials.

This must change, if Liberia is to change for the better.

A nation cannot survive when its citizens are sick, untreated, and without access to basic medical services. And the painful truth is this: in Liberia, the best medical advice too often becomes, “Buy a plane ticket to a foreign country.” But how many Liberians can afford that?

Look at the numbers. Our largest hospital, JFK, serving millions of people, was allocated 9 million dollars.
Meanwhile, the six leading political offices – the Office of the President, Vice President, Pro Tempore, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, and Chief Justice – were allocated over 11 million dollars.

Think about that: more money spent on six offices than on our most important medical facility.
How does that serve the poor people of Liberia?

This must change.

Now consider agriculture – a sector that, if prioritized, could transform our nation, address rural poverty, strengthen national security, and finally give Liberia food sovereignty. Yet year after year, we rely on rice grown in India to feed our people. The entire agriculture budget is barely 13 million dollars, while we import over 200 million dollars’ worth of rice every year – giving our wealth and our food security to foreigners.

We produce little to nothing in counties like Lofa, Bong, Margibi, Nimba, and Grand Gedeh – areas that should be Liberia’s agricultural engines. And I promise you this: foreign governments and international partners who support us, will never take us seriously if we continue asking them to do for us what we refuse to do for ourselves.

This must change.

And in security: how can we expect true safety when the men and women sworn to protect us are underpaid, undertrained, and under-supported? Many earn around 200 dollars a month, while watching ministers and lawmakers drive 45,000-dollar vehicles. Is this fair? How can they protect our families while struggling to feed their families?

No nation has ever developed by investing in bureaucracy over people. Yet that is what this budget – like so many before – is doing. Since 2006, 90% of total spending has gone to recurrent expenditure – with only about 10% going to capital. In other words, for every one dollar spent on building roads, hospitals and schools – we spend nine dollars on salaries, travel, fuels slips, entertainment and other operational costs. If we continue spending more on government perks than on training teachers and nurses, and supporting farmers, and security officers, Liberia will never truly succeed. And this budget, as currently constituted, will not allow Liberia to succeed.

The pain the average Liberian feels, and the suffering they witness daily…is very real.

That is why, another crucial detail in this budget – is being overlooked by far too many people – the Government is increasing the Goods and Services Tax from 12 percent to 13 percent. A higher tax rate means higher prices on almost every imported good, and therefore more hardship for ordinary people. When an importer pays the new 13 percent rate at the Freeport, that cost will 100 percent be passed on to the average Liberia.

Take, for example, a market woman in Red Light. She depends on imported rice, oil, and seasoning cubes to make her daily bread. If each of those items increases because of the higher tax rate, she has only two choices: raise her prices and risk losing customers who are already struggling, or keep her prices the same and earn less profit, making it even harder for her to support her family. Either she loses, or her struggling Liberian customer loses, a troubling reality at a time when families are already fighting to keep up with food prices, school fees, rent, health care, and transportation.

The cost of living is rising, but the people’s income is standing still. So yes, the budget may have increased, but that is because the tax on the common citizen, has also increased. Let me remind you, that a national budget is meant to improve the lives of ordinary citizens. It should reduce pressure on households, not add to it.

This cannot continue.

I speak now directly to His Excellency, President Boakai:
I do not need to work in your government to pray for or wish you well, because your success is Liberia’s success. But I plead with you and your team – because this budget, is not the transformation that will rescue Liberia.

We must build a New Liberia – a Liberia where the national budget reflects national priorities. A Liberia where the biggest investments are not in government offices, but in human capital and potential. A Liberia where schools are equipped, hospitals are functional, farms are productive, and communities are safe.

A Liberia where building a strong private sector becomes a national priority – so that a government job is not the only option for college graduates. A Liberia where public officials do not live better than the people they serve. A Liberia where lawmakers do not grow wealthy on the backs of the Liberian people.

We need a budget that does not allocate tens of millions of dollars to lawmakers under the label of “legislative projects.” Because if lawmakers are making the laws, carrying out oversight, and executing development projects, then what exactly is the role of the Executive? What becomes of local government?

This is not their job, and it is not development. It is politics disguised as progress. And in reality, it undermines our superintendents, our county administrations, and the entire system of local governance that was established to deliver real, sustainable development to our people.

This appeal is a fight for the soul of Liberia – our shared destiny.

Therefore, the choice before us is clear:
Continue the same budgetary patterns that recycle poverty and inequality…
Or insist on a transformational system that will build a New Liberia.

We can rise. We can rebuild. We can transform, but only if we take action.

Because if we do not act now, who will?
If we do not demand accountability today, then when?
If we do not fix a budget that, by any honest reading, favors government officials over the citizens, then we will remain trapped in failure.

I repeat: Liberia is too rich for Liberians to be this poor.
That must end. Liberia deserves better. Our children deserve better. Our future demands better.

And if we stand together, committed, disciplined, and courageous, Liberia’s best days will not be behind us; they will be ahead of us.

God bless our land and save our state.

About the Author

Dr. Clarence K. Moniba is a former presidential candidate and previously served as Minister of State without Portfolio in the Ellen Johnson Sirleaf administration.

Liberia’s concession agreement with Liberia Traffic Management Incorporated (LTMI) was heralded as a step toward modernizing public sector services, including vehicle registration, driver’s licensing, and traffic enforcement. But a close examination reveals that, as currently drafted, this contract opens the nation and its citizens to profound risks—primarily because it lacks critical protections regarding data ownership, oversight, and technological sustainability.

By George K. Fahnbulleh, gkfahnbulleh@lakepiso.com, Contributing Writer

Glaring Shortfalls in Data Ownership and Protection
At the heart of the agreement’s shortcomings is the effective ceding of control over sensitive national datasets—including biometric and geographic information—to a private, foreign-led vendor. Nowhere does the contract explicitly state that all data generated remains the exclusive property of the Government of Liberia. Nor does it establish ironclad requirements for local data storage or a guarantee of data repatriation.

The potential consequences are grave:

• If the contract is terminated or LTMI experiences business disruption, the fate of these citizen datasets remains undefined.
• Data could be transferred or stored outside of Liberian jurisdiction, undermining national sovereignty and placing sensitive information beyond the reach of Liberian law.
• Citizens lose agency and legal recourse regarding how their personal information is accessed, shared, or even commercialized.
  Oversight and Accountability: An Unacceptable Vacuum
  The contract further compounds these risks by diluting the Ministry of Transport’s statutory oversight role. Operational control is granted to LTMI without any enforceable requirement for:
• Regular government audits of data use and cyber-security practices;
• Independent, third-party security assessments and transparent reporting;
• Recourse or remediation for Liberian citizens in cases of breach, misuse, or unauthorized data exposure.
  Simply put, there are no mechanisms for either the government or the public to scrutinize or hold the vendor accountable for the stewardship of citizen data.

Technological Sustainability and Vendor Lock-In
In its current form, the agreement provides no meaningful pathway for technology transfer, source code escrow, or capacity building among Liberian officials. There are:

• No requirements for training government staff to manage or operate vital systems;
• No contingency for reversion of technical assets or knowledge in the event of contract termination;
• No modern requirements for encryption, cybersecurity standards, or breach notifications.
  This not only makes the government dependent on LTMI for day-to-day public digital services, but also risks creating permanent vendor lock-in with spiraling costs, limited system adaptability, and hamstrung national cybersecurity.

Concrete Risks for Liberian Citizens

• Personal, driver, and vehicle data could be accessed, misused, or sold by private or foreign actors, without citizens’ knowledge or consent.
• There is no guarantee of notification or remedy if a data breach exposes individuals’ sensitive information.
• National security and civil rights are left dangerously exposed, as neither government nor citizens can properly control or monitor the usage of their own data.
  The Path Forward: Essential Contract Reforms
  To address these critical gaps and protect both national sovereignty and citizens’ rights, the LTMI agreement must be amended in the following ways:

1. Enshrine State Data Ownership and Residency

All data generated under this agreement, especially personal, biometric, and geographic data, must remain the exclusive property of the Government of Liberia. No data may be processed, stored, or transmitted outside Liberia without explicit, written consent from a national authority.

2. Mandate Government Oversight and Audit Rights

The Ministry of Transport (or an independent regulator) must be granted unrestricted audit rights over all data systems and processes, with mandatory annual third-party security audits—and public reporting of results.

3. Require Strong Data Protection and Breach Notification

LTMI must comply with up-to-date data protection standards, including encryption-at-rest and in-transit, penetration testing, and breach notification within 48 hours, with full government oversight and required remediation steps.

4. Build Local Capacity and Require Technology Escrow

The agreement must mandate technology transfer—including personnel training, source code escrow, and full access to technical documentation—so all systems and data can be transitioned to direct government control within three years.

5. Guarantee Contractual Termination and Data Repatriation

Upon contract expiration or early termination, LTMI must ensure secure, uncompromised handover of all data, credentials, and technical assets to the government—at no additional cost and with full documentation.

Conclusion:
Liberia’s future as a digital nation depends on upholding the rights and privacy of its citizens. Without immediate reforms to the LTMI concession agreement—ensuring state data ownership, transparent oversight, and technological sovereignty—the country risks trading short-term modernization for long-term vulnerability. The government and its partners must act decisively to secure Liberia’s digital future for this generation and the next.

Your Excellency, Joseph Nyuma Boakai, Sr., President of the Republic and First Lady Kartumu Boakai,

The Honorable Jeremiah Kpan Koung, Vice President of the Republic of Liberia and Mrs. Koung,

Distinguished Heads of Government

Honorable Richard Koon, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Members of the House of Representatives

Honorable Nyonblee  Karnga- Lawrence, President Pro Tempore of the Liberian Senate and members of the Senate

Her Honor Sie-A-Nyene Yuoh, Chief Justice Designate of the Supreme Court of Liberia and Associate Justices of the Honorable Supreme Court 

Her Excellency Sara Beysolow Nyanti, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Dean of the Cabinet, and Members of the Cabinet,

Doyen and Members of the Diplomatic Corps,

Members of the Forth Estate

Fellow Liberians at home and in the Diaspora,

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen:

Good morning and Happy Independence Day!

Acknowledgement:

With a heart full of gratitude and humility, I stand before you today to express my sincerest thanks to you, Mr. President, for the honor of serving as the National Orator for our country’s 178th Independence Day celebration.

This invitation is not only a great personal privilege but a sacred moment for my family. Like the majority of my fellow Liberians, I come to this platform not as one born into prestige or prominence, but as a son of humble beginnings. I was raised by a courageous single mother, who through sheer determination and faith, shaped the course of my life. I remember selling my mother’s bread in the Joe Bar Market on the Old Road, those early mornings, dusty feet, and long days taught me dignity, perseverance, and service. It was there, in Joe Bar market, among everyday Liberians, that I learned the values of hard work, compassion, and community, values that continue to guide my personal and professional life to this day.

For me to be called from those beginnings to now stand in this place, on this sacred day in our national journey, is a testament to the grace of God, the strength of family, and the enduring possibility of Liberia.

Thank you, Mr. President, for entrusting me with this great responsibility. I pray  that my words today may honor our ancestors, inspire our people, and serve the cause of unity and national renewal.

INTRODUCTION:

Today, as we mark the 178th anniversary of our beloved Republic, we do more than just remember a date in history. We reflect upon a journey of resilience, a story of struggle and triumph, of brokenness and healing, of dreams deferred and dreams still alive. We gather under the powerful theme: One People, One Destiny: Healing the Past, Building the Future. This is not just a slogan, it is a summons. A call to unity. A challenge to confront our past with honesty, and the courage to shape our future with purpose.

Today, we stand on sacred ground. Ground paid for with the hopes, tears, and blood of generations. Ground that has absorbed both the cries of the oppressed and the songs of the free. We mark 178 years since a group of our ancestors, dreamers of a daring kind, declared to the world that on this corner of Africa’s western shore, liberty would live.  That here, black people could govern themselves. That here, dignity would no longer be borrowed but owned. That here, the Lone Star will rise forever!

But if we must be honest, Liberia’s history, although a proud one, is also a painful one. Liberia was founded on high ideals: liberty, self-governance, self-determination. But from the very beginning, those ideals were challenged by human nature, by the deep divides between settlers and the indigenous people who had lived here for centuries.

For decades, many of our fellow citizens were marginalized, not because of laziness, not because of ignorance, but because power was concentrated in the hands of a few. Even as we proudly flew our flag and sang our anthem, many felt like strangers in their own land.

Then came the military coup of 1980. A moment many thought would bring change, but which opened the door to years of instability. Then came civil war. The death of over 250,000 of our brothers and sisters. The displacement of nearly a million. The loss of schools, hospitals, and institutions. Trust shattered. communities divided. children turned into soldiers. Entire villages wiped off the map. 

And yet, here we are, still standing. Still believing. Still hoping and still declaring that this glorious land of liberty shall long be ours, not because we are perfect, not because we speak good beautiful English, but because we are determined and resilient. Our journey has not been an easy one. We have faced grave trials: economic collapses, civil conflicts, dictatorship, and disease. Our people have known the pain of war and the toll of poverty. We have buried too many dreams too early. But let it be said, Liberia has never surrendered. Time and time again, our nation has bent but never broken.

Our resilience is the heartbeat of this nation. It is seen in the farmer in Foya using basic tools to farm , the teacher in Ganta who teaches in a dimly lit leaking classroom, the nurse in Pleebo, the market woman in Paynesville who has to chase a moving truck and throw her lappa on it, with the hope that it doesn’t fall off in  order to have goods to sell, and the young man in Buchanan selling gas out of a mayonnaise jar. Each day, ordinary Liberians fight against extraordinary odds, not to tear down this nation, but to build it up.

And so, my fellow citizens, this Independence Day is not merely a celebration, it is a summons. A call to action. A solemn reminder that history is not only something we inherit, it is something we are called to shape. It is about commitment, courage, and responsibility. It is about answering the call of destiny and taking our rightful place in building a nation that reflects the dignity, dreams, and potential of all its people.

Today, I invite each of you to join hands in the sacred task of nation building, brick by brick, heart by heart, generation by generation. Because as we say in Liberia” one hand can not pick lice. 

But before we proceed, allow me to pause and offer heartfelt congratulations to you, Mr. President, on Liberia’s historic election to the United Nations Security Council. This is a profound testament to your steady leadership and your unwavering commitment to positioning Liberia as a responsible and respected voice on the global stage.

Thank you, Mr. President, for restoring Liberia’s place among the community of nations.

Permit me also to commend you on the strides made in fulfilling the promises outlined in your ARREST Agenda for National Development. From agriculture to roads, rule of law, education, sanitation, and tourism, your government has begun to lay a foundation for national transformation. While much remains to be done, progress is being made, and for that, we are grateful.

In just a few short months, your government has shown that integrity and public service are not relics of the past, but vital tools for national transformation. Let me highlight just a few areas:

* On Anti-Corruption and Governance:

The strengthening of the Liberia Anti-Corruption Commission (LACC) and just yesterday the signing of a MOU between the Financial Intelligence Agency and the LACC that serves as a conduit toward unified oversight is indeed a step in the right direction.

* On Infrastructure Development:

Driving from Monrovia to Zwedru, I have witnessed firsthand a renewed momentum in road rehabilitation, reminding us that inclusion must begin with access.  In addition the performance of the Liberian Electricity Corporation within the last few months signifies that with proper leadership change is possible.

* On Education:

Increased budget allocations, teacher training programs, the distribution of learning materials to underserved communities, and new investments in early childhood education all speak to a government reclaiming education as a national priority.

* On Health and Social Services:

In the health sector, we see growing access to rural clinics, partnerships with international donors, and stronger support for healthcare workers. The emphasis on maternal health is especially commendable, and life-saving.

* On Agricultural Revitalization:

By elevating food security and empowering local farmers, your administration is reigniting a long-overdue national dialogue: Liberia must feed itself. If we grow what we eat, we will grow the economy from the ground up.

The procurement of fire trucks, the purchase of buses for our National Transportation System, these are not just promises; they are actions, and we acknowledge and celebrate them.

But let us also speak honestly: challenges remain. The road ahead is long and sometimes uncertain. Yet this is the work of our generation. And this generation must not grow weary.

Now let me speak to the Ongoing Challenges We Must Face Together.

* Corruption is still deeply embedded in our institutions, and it will take more than policy to uproot it. It will take moral courage and political will from the highest offices to the lowest. To the honorable Speaker ,the honorable President Pro Temp and Her  Honor, the Chief Justice, the fight against corruption is yours as well as the President’s.

* Unemployment remains dangerously high. We cannot afford to let our people drift into despair, or worse, into the hands of those who would exploit their frustration.

* Economic inequality is widening. Too many of our people go to bed hungry while a few grow richer with each passing day. We must reimagine a Liberia where opportunity is not reserved for the connected, but available to the committed.

* Gender inequality continues to rob our nation of its full potential. Women still face systemic barriers, from unequal pay to unsafe public spaces. We must do more to protect them, empower them, and include them.

* Our education system, while improving, is still fragile. Too many children still sit on floors. Too many schools still lack trained teachers. We must not settle for improvement, we must push for transformation. 

* Drug abuse is silently destroying the future of Liberia’s youth, fuelling crime, unemployment, and hopelessness. We must act before it is too late. The issue is both a health epidemic and a national security risk.

But these are not reasons to despair, they are reasons to act. Liberia cannot fulfill its promise until every citizen, from West Point to Zwedru, from Voinjama to Fortsville, has a fair chance to thrive. The work of building Liberia must involve all of us.

But before we race towards nation building, let’s talk about where we have been.

Our theme, One People One Destiny, Healing the Past, Building the Future, invites us to take stock of the pathway we have traveled.

 As we reflect on the past we must acknowledge that for too long, wounds have been left untreated: the wounds of tribalism, exclusion, economic injustice, and political and gender violence. We must dare to believe that tomorrow can be better, creating the  space for reconciliation, dialogue, restorative justice, and for building bridges across our divides.

The recent reburial of former President Samuel K. Doe and the Memorial Service for Former President William R. Tolbert, Jr. were bold actions that signaled the President’s commitment to begin a process that was so long overdue. Then again, on July 5th, 2025, you showed exemplary leadership when you, Mr. President, offered an apology to the Liberian people for the atrocities and injustice of years past. Mr. President, on behalf of the People of Liberia, we accept your apology.

Because reconciliation is an ongoing process, and in an effort to build on what you have started, I propose the establishment of a standing National Commission on Reconciliation. This body, nonpartisan and inclusive, would be tasked with continuing the work of national healing from county to county, village to village and town to town through historical truth-telling, civic education, and programs that promote social cohesion. The Commission would serve as a moral compass, reminding us that reconciliation is a fundamental element to nation building.

But the work of healing however, is not the task of government alone. It is the responsibility of each Liberian, to lay down hatred, to uproot prejudice, to choose the hard work of peace over the ease of bitterness. It is time for us to confront the painful chapters of our history, not with anger, but with resolve, resolve to build a Liberia where such chapters will never be written again.

Now let’s turn our attention to Nation Building 

Nation building is “the process of constructing or structuring a national identity using the power and influence of the state. It involves efforts by governments or other entities to unite diverse groups within a country, foster a sense of national identity, and build institutions that support a functioning, stable, and cohesive society.”

Now let me tell you what nation building is not.

It is not a one-day event. It is not just the responsibility of government. It is not a one-man show. It is not the property of any one political party, ethnic group, gender, or generation. It is a collective enterprise, the responsibility of every Liberian, in the public and private sector, in the diaspora, in the classroom and in the home.

The future we hope for, a Liberia that is peaceful, prosperous, and just, demands the full participation of all Liberians. My people I am not asking for the impossible. Others have gone through worse than us and they have overcome. We can do the same.

In our effort to contribute to nation building, our young people must rise, not just to seek jobs, but to create them. Our leaders must rise, not just to seek power, but to serve with integrity. Our communities must rise, not with violence or division, but with unity and shared purpose.

Let us move away from the politics of blame and embrace the politics of building. Let us not only demand change but be the change that we demand. The Liberian dream must be built by Liberian hands.

Yes, we have survived wars. Yes, we have endured economic hardship and political instability. But survival is not enough. It’s time to move past the scars of war. Stop using the war as crutches or an excuse to support our lack of actions. For by doing so will rob us of giving birth to new possibilities. Our duty now is transformation.

My fellow Liberians, the future is not a gift we are given, it is a responsibility we must earn. Building that future means embracing a new national covenant.

To accomplish this task of Nation Building I herewith offer five pillars for your consideration:

Pillar one: Reimagine our National Identity 

Liberia stands at a moment where we must reimagine our future, and that future must begin with a foundation that recognizes all Liberians. Let us together write a new chapter in our national narrative, one that binds us, not by the divisions of our past, but by the shared hope of our collective destiny.

Mr. President, with deep respect and a sincere love for our country, I appeal to your leadership to take a historic and unifying step, to appoint a national commission tasked with proposing a new motto for the Republic of Liberia. This request is not made lightly, nor is it new. It is a call that has echoed for decades among Liberians who yearn for a national identity that is inclusive, representative, and reflective of the values and aspirations of all our people.

The current national motto, “The Love of Liberty Brought Us Here,” speaks to the legacy of the freed settlers who arrived on our shores in the 19th century. While this history is an inseparable part of our national story, the motto fails to recognize or speak to the lived experience, identity, and heritage of the vast majority of Liberians, the indigenous populations whose ancestors were already here, who endured the consequences of exclusion, and who have contributed immeasurably to the building of our nation.

A national motto should be more than a relic of history; it should be a source of shared pride, unity, and vision. Liberia today is a diverse republic made up of many ethnic groups, religions, and backgrounds, all of whom deserve to see themselves reflected in the words that define our national purpose and spirit.

Mr. President, you are uniquely positioned to lead this long-overdue change. Your life story, your public service, and your presidency symbolize reconciliation, inclusion, and the healing of historical divides. Appointing a commission, inclusive of historians, cultural leaders, linguists, youth representatives, and civil society, to engage the public and develop a new motto would be a powerful gesture of unity and progress.

Pillar Two: We must Confront Economic Disparity

In a country as rich in natural resources as ours, why are so many Liberians still poor?

This is not just an economic issue, it is a moral one. We must focus on economic justice, because peace without prosperity is fragile.

A hungry child cannot wait for macroeconomic policy. A farmer without tools cannot wait for  committee reports and a mother who cannot afford healthcare for her child does not need promises, she needs solutions.

My fellow citizens, we cannot talk about true independence without talking about economic independence.

It is time to confront a painful truth: too much of our economy is owned and controlled by foreign interests. While foreign investment is welcome, it must not be at the expense of our dignity. The soul of our economy must be Liberian.  Liberians must be actively involved in owning businesses. Liberians must be positioned to create wealth, not just consume it.

To do that, we must nurture and grow a vibrant middle class, one built on entrepreneurship, skilled labor, professional excellence, and innovation. A strong middle class is the backbone of every stable society. It generates jobs, drives demand, pays taxes, and anchors our democracy.

We must support small and medium enterprises. We must make access to credit easier. We must invest in technical and vocational training. We must modernize agriculture so that farming becomes profitable again. We must embrace technology so our youth can compete on a global stage.

To my fellow Liberian businesses when government has done all this,  as I know this government would, we must endeavour to prove that we are trustworthy by honouring our contracts and commitments.

I therefore offer the following for your consideration and action:

A. Enforce the Liberianization Policy:

Fully enforce the existing Liberianization Policy, ensuring that the sectors reserved exclusively for Liberians remain protected and accessible only to Liberian citizens, as originally intended.

The persistent violation and weak enforcement of this policy have resulted in foreign encroachment, marginalizing Liberian entrepreneurs and undermining local economic growth.

The spirit and letter of the Liberianization Policy were designed to empower Liberians to play a central role in the national economy by safeguarding key areas of commerce from foreign domination. Government should ensure that the exclusive rights of Liberians in designated sectors are respected. No foreign national or entity should be permitted to operate in these protected areas, either directly or through proxies. Enforcement mechanisms must include monitoring, licensing controls, and punitive measures for both foreigners and Liberians found violating this policy.

B. Mandatory Equity Participation in Foreign Investment Concessions:

I propose that all future foreign investment concessions in Liberia be required to allocate a minimum percentage of equity for Liberian investors, whether individuals, groups, or institutions. This ensures that Liberians share in the ownership, profits, and long-term benefits of our natural and economic resources. Such inclusive participation will build indigenous wealth and deepen national economic sovereignty. 

C. Reform of Work Permit Issuance

Work permits for foreign nationals should only be granted when it is clearly demonstrated that no qualified Liberian is available to perform the job. A transparent, merit-based review process should be instituted to ensure this requirement is met, promoting fair labor practices and prioritizing Liberian employment.

These measures will yield numerous national benefits, including:

* Job creation for Liberians, reducing unemployment and dependency.

* Capacity building and skills transfer as Liberians are given more opportunities to lead and manage businesses.

* Increased local ownership, leading to greater wealth retention within the country.

* Enhanced tax revenue through increased local participation and transparent business practices.

* Strengthened national identity and economic independence, fostering pride and resilience in the Liberian people.

Liberia must no longer be a passive observer of our own economy. We must assert our rightful place at the center of national development. By enforcing the Liberalization Policy and ensuring meaningful Liberian participation in all economic activities, we pave the way for a stronger, more inclusive, and self-sustaining economy.

If we must Think  Liberia, Love  Liberia, and Build Liberia, then we must prioritize Liberians. The time for action is now.

Pillar Three: Reclaim Education as a Public Good

Education is the cornerstone of any society that seeks to move forward. No nation has ever risen above the quality of its education system. We must invest in every level of learning.

That means:

* Building safe and accessible schools.

* Paying and training teachers with dignity.

* Modernizing our curriculum to include agriculture, technology, and entrepreneurship.

* Prioritizing vocational and technical education so that every young person leaves school with employable skills.

Our educational system should be structured to not only pass exams but to building character, sharpening minds, and preparing citizens to serve with integrity.

We cannot build the future with broken chalk and unpaid teachers.

For far too long, we have watched our public schools deteriorate while private institutions become the only hope for quality learning. This must change.

Every Liberian child deserves:

* A classroom that is safe.

* A teacher who is trained.

* A curriculum that prepares them for a global world.

An educated citizenry is Liberia’s most powerful defense against poverty, division, and corruption. 

Pillar Four: End Prejudice and Division

Too often, we speak of unity, but act on tribal lines.

We must stop asking “where are you from?” and start asking “what can we build together?”

We must break down the barriers of tribalism, regionalism, and religious suspicion. Let us reject the lie that one group is superior to another. In the Liberia we are building, your last name should not determine your opportunity. Your skin tone should not determine your treatment. Your gender should not determine your value. The party you voted for must not influence your employability.  We must uproot prejudice in all its forms. We are not Gio, Kpelle, Bassa, Vai, or Americo-Liberian first, we are Liberians first. Our diversity must be our strength, not our downfall.

My fellow Liberians: We may have different names, but we share one identity. We may come from different counties, but we share one country. We may speak different languages, but we share one destiny.

Destiny is not fate, it is a choice.   It is the result of intentional action. We share a common destiny, and whether that destiny leads to division or to unity, to poverty or to prosperity, will depend on the choices we make today.

Our destiny will not be determined by what happened 178 years ago, or even 20 years ago, but by what we choose to do now. Right now.

Let us choose peace over provocation.

Let us choose justice over favoritism.

Let us choose patriotism over partisanship.

Let us choose each other, again and again.

Pillar Five: Promoting Gender Equality:

Liberia has already shown the world that women can lead, and lead well. But beyond symbolism, we must ensure that women have equal access to opportunity, education, healthcare, and safety. Promoting gender equality is not a favor to women, but a fundamental human right.

The fight against gender-based violence must be relentless. We must protect our daughters from abuse, our mothers and sisters from exclusion, and create spaces where their voices are not only heard but heeded.

The rearing of children is just not the responsibility of mothers alone. Fathers must take equal responsibility for caring and supporting the children they birth. Our legal system must support mothers who are struggling because of fathers who are not present in the lives of their children.

Too many women left with the burden of raising children alone. Government must join the fight by ensuring that the Domestic Relations Law on Support for dependents must be enforced.

A country that empowers its women is a country that doubles its potential.

Now we turn our attention to the participants in Nation Building:

1. The Role of Political Opposition

Democracy is not a spectator sport. Nor is it a crowning of any ruling party. It is the constant exchange of ideas, the clash of visions for the common good. Our opposition parties must be respected, not demonized. They are not the enemy of the state; they are part of the machinery of accountability.

A nation where opposition voices are silenced is a nation walking into darkness. Let us not fear disagreement, let us fear apathy. Let us debate passionately but respect one another deeply. Liberia needs strong government, but it also needs strong opposition. Together, they form the engines that help the ship of democracy go sailing still. 

Not-with-standing, We call on the political opposition in Liberia to demonstrate leadership, integrity, and a deep commitment to the democratic principles that unite our nation. As critical stakeholders in our political system, the opposition plays a vital role in ensuring accountability, transparency, and inclusiveness. However, with this role comes a profound responsibility to act in ways that preserve national unity, peace, and public trust.

In this pivotal time for our country, it is essential that all political actors engage in dialogue, uphold the rule of law, and reject any form of violence, misinformation, or incitement. Constructive criticism and peaceful advocacy are pillars of democracy, but they must be guided by truth, respect for institutions, and a shared vision for a stable and prosperous Liberia

Our dear leaders in opposition I urge you to prioritize the long-term interest of the Liberian people over short-term political gain. The eyes of the nation, and the world, are watching. Let us all rise to the occasion and show that Liberia’s democracy is not only vibrant, but mature and responsible.

Let peace lead, let dialogue prevail, and let Liberia win.

2. The Role of the Church:

To the Christian Church in Liberia, It is time for a deeper awakening, a revival not just of prayer and worship, but of purpose and responsibility. For too long, poverty has been spiritualized, normalized, and even romanticized within the church. But let it be made clear: there is no honor in poverty, and there is nothing righteous about economic suffering when solutions are within reach.

The gospel is not only about salvation for the soul, it is also about transformation of lives and communities. Scripture declares, “Faith without works is dead” (James 2:26). Yet too often, our pulpits echo with calls to prayer without equal calls to action. We cannot keep telling people to fast and pray for breakthroughs while doing nothing practical to equip them economically. We must stop expecting miracles while ignoring the work of our hands.

Liberia is a nation rich in potential, but burdened by the lack of opportunity, infrastructure, education, and vision. The Church is one of the most powerful and trusted institutions in this country. Imagine the impact if that power were leveraged for economic development, job creation, entrepreneurship, and skills training. Imagine if churches became centers not just of spiritual revival, but of innovation and productivity. What if  ministries helped build cooperatives, credit unions, vocational centers, and sustainable businesses?

The Church must lead the way in breaking the cycle of poverty, not by blaming the poor for their condition or preaching them into passivity, but by empowering them to create change. Jesus fed the hungry and challenged systems of injustice. He did not teach people to wait indefinitely for a blessing or their breakthrough. He taught them to act, to build and to transform.

I urge you:

* Invest in community development through schools, hospitals as part of your mission.

* Start or support programs that teach practical skills and financial literacy.

* Encourage entrepreneurship and local business initiatives.

* Preach not just faith for miracles, but faith for work, discipline, and economic impact.

Prayer is powerful, but it must lead us to action. Let the Church arise as a force not only of hope, but of tangible transformation. Let us stop spiritualizing poverty and start dismantling it.

There is no honor in being poor, but there is great honor in lifting others out of poverty. That is the gospel in action.

3. A Call to the Diaspora

The Liberian diaspora, estimated at over 500,000 strong, has played a vital role in Liberia’s economic resilience, growth, and national development. Through consistent remittances to families, friends, and institutions, diaspora Liberians have created a crucial safety net, particularly during times of crisis. These financial contributions continue to support education, healthcare, entrepreneurship, and social services across the country.

So to you in the diaspora: we need you. Not just your money, but your ideas, your expertise, your networks. Return if you can. Invest if you’re able. Speak up. Stay engaged. Your love for Liberia is not less because you live abroad. Let it be a bridge, not a boundary. Your journey abroad does not erase your Liberian identity, it expands it. We must continue to embrace the principle that no Liberian is more Liberian than another, a sentiment captured by the phrase “Once A Liberian, Always A Liberian.”

Government must therefore create bold, intentional frameworks for diaspora investment, ensuring that their inclusion is not symbolic but strategic. They must not be seen as outsiders, but as partners in national transformation.  Mr. President, you have taken keen interest in developing tangible relationship with your diaspora citizens to the extant that you will convene the first ever Presidential global diaspora conference in Washington D. C. In September 2025.

Mr. President and members of the National Legislature, the community of Liberian Diaspora extends our profound appreciation to you for amending the 1974 Aliens and Nationality Law granting dual citizenship to natural born Liberians. Though limited in its scope. It is a step in the right direction, and we are grateful. We also extend special appreciation to Mr. Emmanuel Wettee and others, to include the Union of Liberian Association in America for leading this effort. 

While this achievement is historic, we believe dual citizenship for natural-born Liberians and those of Liberian parentage can and must go further. If we truly believe in equality among Liberians, then we must eliminate all restrictions associated with dual citizenship. Every Liberian, regardless of where they live, must be afforded the same rights and opportunities to contribute to the country’s development. 

4. Our Youth – Liberia’s Most Valuable Investment:

Liberia is a young country, not just in years of independence, but in demographics. Liberia’s greatest resource is not buried in the ground; it walks on our streets. Over 70% of our population is under the age of 35. That is not a crisis. That is an opportunity.

But opportunity without investment is wasted potential.

We must stop seeing our young people as a problem to be solved and start treating them as partners in national renewal.

* They are not too young to lead.

* They are not too young to innovate.

* They are not too young to dream and build what they dream.

Let us open doors, not just for jobs, but for entrepreneurship. Let us fund youth-led enterprises, create innovation hubs, and integrate young voices into policymaking. If we give our young people space to rise, they will lift Liberia with them.

They are not leaders of tomorrow they are leaders of today. But leadership must be cultivated, not merely declared.

We must:

* Invest in entrepreneurship and skills training so our youth can be job creators, not just job seekers.

* Expand access to digital education and technology, so our students are equipped for a 21st-century economy.

* Create national service programs that harness the energy of young Liberians for agriculture, infrastructure, and health outreach.

Let us not lose this generation to cynicism or despair. Let us empower them with purpose.

To our young people: you are not the future, you are the present. You are the conscience of today. 

You are more than your struggles. You are more than what society has labeled you. Do not lose hope. Do not give up. Rise. Learn. Create. Organize. Lead.

We are counting on you to build a Liberia that reflects your energy, your creativity, and your vision. We believe in you!

5. The Role of All Liberians in National Renewal

To civil servants and law enforcement:

Serve with honor. You are the face of the nation to the ordinary citizen. Let your integrity be your legacy. Stop treating public office as a private enterprise. Public service is a sacred trust meant to serve the many, not enrich the few.

To the business community:

You are the engine of innovation. Let us build a private sector that creates jobs, not just profit. That grows communities, not just bank accounts.

To our religious leaders:

Continue to preach peace but also preach justice. Speak truth to power, not just in church or the mosque but in the hall of the powers that be. You are the conscience of the nation.

To You Mr. President: My 26 is on YOU! (What Do I Want? I am glad you asked)

Your leadership, marked by humility, character, and commitment, has offered a new tone to our politics. So, I encourage you: Lead boldly, transparently, and justly. Challenge the old order. Empower the next generation. Fire and not suspend. Enforce the laws. And surround yourself with people of competence and conscience. Who knows, that like Esther in the Biblical narrative, “that you have come to this royal position for such a time as this?” Now is your time. Tomorrow is not promised. A second term is not guaranteed. Act now, clean up this mess now.

You cannot do this alone. But with God, and with the Liberian people behind you, you can do more than history expects. 

Conclusion:

As we commemorate 178 years of independence, let this day not pass as a ritual of speeches and parades. Let it be a day of recommitment. Let us renew our pledge, not only to celebrate our past, but to shape our future.

Let us be one people, bound not by convenience but by covenant. Let us walk toward one destiny, not a destiny handed to us, but one we forge together; with faith, with courage, and with love for our beloved Liberia.

We have seen what disunity can do. Now, we must choose what unity can build.

The Call to Put Liberia First

Fellow citizens, Liberia cannot move forward if our loyalties lie in self-interest, tribalism, or party politics. We must put country first, above personalities, above politics, above profit.

Putting Liberia first means telling the truth, even when it is uncomfortable. It means rejecting corruption, no matter who benefits. It means demanding results, not just rhetoric. And it means recognizing that the destiny of this country lies not in the hands of a few but in all of us.

My fellow Liberians, the past 178 years have taught us that the soul of this nation does not lie in the office of the president or the chambers of the senate or red dirt roads. It lies in the enduring hope of its people, the hope that tomorrow can be better than today.

Yes, there will be setbacks. But we are a resilient people. If we can survive years of civil conflicts, we can overcome unemployment. If we can rebuild after Ebola and COVID-19, we can rebuild trust in our systems. If we can celebrate 178 years of sovereignty, then surely, we can claim the next 100 years for growth and greatness.

Let this Independence Day mark a turning point. A point where we choose to build, not break. To include, not exclude. To rise, not retreat. To serve, not steal.

So let us honor the past, not just with speeches and fanfare, but with purpose and progress. Let us make our independence not just a historical fact, but a living promise.

A promise that Liberia will be governed justly.

A promise that prosperity will not be the privilege of a few, but the inheritance of all.

A promise that Liberia’s next 178 years will be defined not by survival, but by success.

Let us walk forward, together, with courage, with character, and with a single, unshakable conviction:

Liberia must come first. Always. And for all.

Happy Independence Day. May God bless you all. And may God bless the Republic of Liberia.

Thank you.

When you’re meeting the king, you give it your best shot. To Americans, Donald Trump is their president. But to Liberia and some parts of the world, he’s more than that—he’s seen as a king, simply because he leads the most powerful nation on Earth. Take it or leave it.

ByVictor T. Dumu, contributing writer

Meeting someone like Trump is a blessing in disguise, depending on how the conversation unfolds. Now, let’s talk about the “yes sir” moment—when President Joseph Boakai of Liberia responded to Trump during a diplomatic encounter. Some found it awkward, even controversial. But diplomacy isn’t always black and white. There are exceptions to every rule.

Let’s not forget, President Boakai was involved in diplomacy long before many of us even graduated from high school. Sometimes, the very act of humility and respect—what wisdom demands—is what softens the heart of a king. You never know what impact a simple gesture might have.

President Boakai is seasoned. He has seen much, experienced much, and I’m sure he knew exactly what he was doing. It’s easy to criticize from the outside, but when you’re the one in the arena, the view changes.

As Proverbs 20:5 says, “Counsel in the heart of man is like deep water; but a man of understanding will draw it out.” This means a person’s true thoughts and intentions are often hidden and complex, like deep water. But a wise person knows how to draw them out. This is the essence of diplomacy—seeing beyond the surface, navigating relationships with wisdom.

And what is diplomacy without gain? Useless.

Liberia has many educated people—so many “book people”—but look at our schools. Our textbooks and learning materials often come from Ghana, Nigeria, or elsewhere. We’re the oldest republic on paper, yet in many ways, we lag behind.

When you are poor and broke, understanding becomes your most valuable tool. Lose it, and you lose life itself. So stay humble. Use wisdom. And never underestimate the power of quiet strength.

God bless you, Mr. President.

And God bless Liberia.

“If the change we seek is not now, then when? If it is not you, then who? If it’s not here, then where?”

President Joseph Nyuma Boakai is poised to end Liberia’s long struggle to achieve transparency, accountability, patriotism, and national reconciliation—an effort that has persistently been stalled for decades. His recent moves are likely a turning point for Liberia. They can be seen as an effort not only to fulfill his political campaign promises made about two years ago, but also to suppress and extinguish the culture of impunity that has hindered progress in both the public and private sectors for decades. Although everyone recognizes that the steps taken by His Excellency are crucial steps for national development, it remains challenging for governments and citizens to play their rightful roles in safeguarding the state.

Prince Menkalo Gbieu, contributing writer

The president’s plans for road construction and rehabilitation, the empowerment of anti-corruption institutions such as Liberia’s Anti-Corruption Commission, judicial reforms, and accountability for government officials and other state actors represent significant progress towards the Agenda for Transformation aimed at making Liberia a lower-middle income country by 2030. These initiatives go beyond mere political rhetorics. The pretense of working hard for the interests of the Liberian people is no longer enough. Practical measures are needed to confront ignorance, disease and poverty, the real enemies of the state. This change is no longer just a myth; it is becoming a visible reality across Liberia’s communities, social media, electronic and print outlets, etc.

There is no institution powerful enough to stop JNB from implementing his transformative strategy for Liberia, because leadership is at hand to establish and improve the livelihood of the people.

Liberians desperately want to see real change. However, national consensus is needed on crucial issues such as improving the educational system to support manpower development, industrialization to ensure economic independence, infrastructure development for national prosperity, and investing in agriculture to feed our people. We cannot continue to condemn every effort by the government, often branding our destiny as “this too is Liberia,” fueled by propaganda—the most detrimental element of politics that has engulfed the country and its institutions.

So I ask: “If the transformation we want is not now, then when? If it should not be led by JNB, then who? If it’s not here, then where?”

These questions are fundamental to our ongoing national debate about the underdevelopment of the state and the inefficiency of its institutions in driving sustainable solutions. Both political institutions and non-political individuals who see nothing good in Liberia should reconsider their perspectives to align with a national consensus that benefits the country and its citizens, regardless of who leads the effort.

The culture of condemnation and the divisive politics organized by opposition parties and individuals vying for leadership are irrelevant if they do not aim to improve institutions, advance infrastructure, and invest in education and industrialization. A political entity that neglects these fundamental priorities is merely a Trojan horse, lacking the basic solutions necessary to improve the lives of our people.

President Boakai’s national development agenda aims to connect rural communities with paved roads, provide stable electricity and piped water, invest in quality education, implement mechanized farming strategies, and ensure technological access for all citizens. The public and major institutions must endorse, support, and refrain from undermining this agenda.

It is important to remember that political parties and governments are established to serve the people. They significantly influence the well-being of the populace. In this context, Liberians’ hopes for improving national conditions hinge on the decisions made by political parties. Therefore, political institutions must collaborate on a shared national development strategy, despite their differing philosophies and structures.

We cannot live for parties; rather, parties exist for the state, which is ultimately governed by its citizens. Political parties should be vehicles that drive the country toward prosperity and growth, ensuring that even children in rural Liberia benefit from their decisions. Good intentions alone are not enough—these intentions must be put into action. Parties and individuals should unite and avoid unnecessary noise and condemnation.

Let us remember that institutional differences are rooted in ideologies designed to support the state and develop its people, not to tear down the nation or undermine its interests. Condemnation aimed at undermining effective solutions only causes suffering and stagnation—an approach that harms our development and is unacceptable for our generation.

We must also recognize that a divided population will always experience internal conflict and remain a failed nation. Indicators of this include increased devil’s advocacy by media outlets in poor states, weak entrepreneurial skills development strategies, lack of alternatives, insufficient cooperation, rising generational envy, and declining morals—all of which hinder the achievement of common national goals.

Furthermore, in such nations, individualism and political party dominance take precedence over collective progress and governance. This is the unfortunate reality we face. We must unite intentionally to build our country. I remain optimistic that Liberia will rise because the government is led by an experienced leader—Joe Boakai who is determined to  change the narrative.

Note: The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect those of the Editorial Board.

As President Joseph Boakai and his administration prepare for the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit in Washington, D.C., scheduled for July 9-11, 2025, hosted by President Donald J. Trump, he faces a crucial moment to advance Liberia’s economic interests.

Vita Ishmael Tue, contributing writer

The summit’s timing is pivotal, especially as it coincides with the July 9, 2025, expiration of the suspension of Trump’s reciprocal trade tariffs. On July 6, 2025, United States Secretary of the Treasury, Scott Bessent warned that countries failing to negotiate the 10% baseline tariffs imposed in April 2025 risk higher rates, potentially catastrophic for a developing nation like Liberia that could explore greater trade opportunities with the United States. According to the White House, the imposition of higher tariffs on countries is scheduled to take effect on August 1, 2025.

President Boakai must prioritize the removal of these tariffs, leverage historical U.S.-Liberia ties, and use tariff relief as a bargaining chip in any commercial and economic deals with Trump’s administration. The removal of tariffs is essential to protect Liberian businesses and fund Liberia’s development priorities.

The Trump’s reciprocal tariff policy targets countries with perceived unfair trade balances and practices with the United States. Currently, Liberia’s faces a 10% baseline tariff. Treasury Secretary Bessent’s recent statement that countries not making progress on tariff negotiations with the United States by the tariff decline would face higher rates, potentially up to 25%, sounds an important caveat for a small economy like Liberia, struggling to boost growth and address its many development challenges. According to World Bank reports, the size of Liberia’s economy was $4.8 billion as of 2024 with more than half of the population living below the poverty line; hence, the imposition of tariffs would be devastating, limiting trade expansion opportunities and the potential of the economy to expand and address the growing needs of the population.

According to the 2023 Central Bank of Liberia Report, Liberia’s exports to the United States were US$57.1M, although a relatively small amount compared to other regions; however, the U.S. market presents a greater potential for boosting trade as Liberia embarks on improving its product quality. The current 10 percent baseline tariff and any further increase in tariffs would only impact trade between the two countries adversely. Concomitantly, the adverse trade would reduce export revenues for Liberia and significantly impede Liberia’s capacity to adequately implement its national development strategy as planned. In more simpler terms, declines in export earnings would undermine the full execution of President’s Boakai’s ARREST Agenda, which prioritizes infrastructure, healthcare, and poverty reduction.

With the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) set to expire in September 2025, tariff-free access to the United States markets is vital to maintain export competitiveness and drive sustainable growth and development for Liberia. On the other hand, Liberian-owned small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) exporting agricultural products would face severe challenges from the 10% tariffs imposed by Trump’s administration. Goods like red palm oil, cassava flour, dried pepper, and dried fish, amongst others, will be particularly affected by the tariffs due to the hike in prices for consumers in the United States. These tariffs increase costs, erode profits margins, and threaten the survival of these Liberian SMEs to stay in business.

President Boakai should use tariff removal as a strategic bargaining chip in any deal that would be discussed and subsequently agreed upon between the two countries. President Boakai should demand that tariff removal be paired with United States investments in Liberia’s critical and rare earth minerals. For example, in exchange for the country’s mineral deposits, the request for zero tariffs on Liberia must be the foremost demand. By tying cooperation on minerals or security to tariff removal and assurances against higher rates, President Boakai can protect national interests. Lastly, President Boakai should frame tariff removal as a win-win. For the United States, lifting tariffs on Liberia, a small economy, poses minimal risk while signaling goodwill. For Liberia, it restores market access and funds development. President Boakai can highlight Liberia’s role in regional security to strengthen his case.

Further, President Boakai needs to stress that Liberia brings significant value to any bilateral deal through its vast natural resources, including deposits of valuable minerals, which align with the Trump administration’s focus on securing critical minerals for clean energy and technology. Liberia hosts large-scale operations like ArcelorMittal’s Tokadeh mine, which exports iron ore to Europe and Asia, and the New Liberty Gold Mine, West Africa’s largest commercial gold mine. Lithium deposits, increasingly vital for batteries, position Liberia as a key player in the global energy transition. Additionally, Liberia has over 160 kimberlite occurrences for diamonds and potential for bauxite, manganese, and phosphate, though exploration remains limited. These resources make Liberia a strategic partner for the United States, which seeks to diversify supply chains away from China. President Boakai can leverage this mineral wealth to negotiate favorable trade terms, emphasizing Liberia’s role in United States economic and geopolitical strategies. 

Therefore, with less than a day, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit is Liberia’s chance to secure its economic destiny and position itself as a strategic partner to Trump’s administration in sub-Saharan Africa. This summit provides a defining moment for Boakai’s presidency to make a strong case for Liberia that brings positive outcomes for the country. By leveraging Liberia’s mineral riches, President Boakai can champion and secure tariff removal concessions from Trump’s administration, thereby securing equitable trade and investment deals that empower the Liberian people and its economy. This summit should be envisaged within the context of building a prosperous, self-reliant Liberia as a respected and strategic United States partner. President Boakai must act boldly, ensuring that Liberia’s voice shapes a contour of shared prosperity.

About the writer:
Vita Ishmael Tue is a Liberian with over two decades of work experience spanning the private and public sectors in Liberia and the United States. Vita writes regularly on issues pertaining to Liberia’s growth and development. His writings cover topics on sustainable development, poverty, unemployment, social justice, data privacy and data security, amongst others. Vita holds graduate degrees in Economics, Public Management, and Data Analytics from Uganda and the United States. Vita currently resides in the United States.

On Juneteenth 2025, I stood in Monrovia, Liberia—the city named after a U.S. slaveholder president—and announced my candidacy for the highest office in the land of my birth: President of the United States of America.

By Rev. Torli H. Krua, contributing writer

This isn’t a publicity stunt. It’s a declaration of truth. Liberia was never just another African country. It was a U.S. colony, funded by Congress, enforced by the U.S. Navy, governed by exiled African Americans stripped of their citizenship.

For six years, I led a campaign seeking visa waivers for Liberians. But I have come to see the deeper injustice: Liberians are already Americans. They were born under U.S. authority, in a U.S.-created territory, with a U.S.-crafted constitution.

Today, while wealthy Liberian politicians hold U.S. passports and rig the system in their favor, poor Liberians are denied basic entry under an exploitative scheme that rejects nearly 80% of applicants. This must end.

The Massachusetts Constitution of 1780 declared that all men are born free and equal. The U.S. Declaration of Independence affirmed that rights come from our Creator, not from governments. Yet, Congress passed the 1790 Naturalization Act to limit citizenship to white persons and used military force to deport African Americans to Liberia. That was not immigration. It was colonization.

Now, in 2025, it’s time to complete the Emancipation.

I’m running for President to restore what was stolen: dignity, justice, and birthright citizenship. I’m calling on Americans of all backgrounds to unite, elect a truth-teller, and finally end the unfinished business of Juneteenth.

Free Liberia. Restore Citizenship. Pass H.R. 40. Complete the Emancipation.

Rev. Torli H. Krua is the founder of the Free Liberia Movement and Universal Human Rights International. He resides in Boston, Massachusetts